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You snakes! You brood of vipers! How will you escape being condemned to Hell? Matthew 23:33
Nota Bene
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THE
PROTOCOLS OF THE FOOLS OF ZION
(Updated on 01 01 2024)
Dear
friends and dear brethren, we
submit to you this text, which, like the others in the series of
articles on
the illuminati, aims to open your eyes to the management of this world
by the satanists
who think they are gods on earth. This article, originally entitled "The
protocols of the learned elders of Zion", which I
have rightly
renamed "The protocols of the Fools of Zion",
helps you
to understand how the agents of satan are working to destroy the world
and
destroy all humankind.
These
sons of the devil, who only
shine by their extreme idiocy, like to think, unfortunately, that they
are wise,
to the point of proclaiming themselves wise, as is the case in the
title of this
document, which I have decided to change. And since they are experts in
usurpation and manipulation, they also pass themselves off as people of
Zion;
thus giving the impression that they are from Israel, when they are
not. They
have never been of Israel, nor will they ever be.
The
Zion they refer to each time, is
therefore not God's Zion, but rather their own satanic Zion that they
have
created in their world. God has his Jerusalem, the devil also has his.
So do
not be deceived any longer by the counterfeit words and expressions
that the
people of satan often use.
As we told you in our article entitled "The Hypocrites Exposed",
God has chosen these
last days to reveal to us the true nature of these so-called great men
and
women on the planet, and to fully expose all their plans, their
projects and
their works, which they have always striven to keep secret. We
recommend it to
you, as well as the other articles of the series on the Illuminati that
you
will find on the website www.mcreveil.org.
We
will be plainspoken and discuss the
significance of each reflection, and by comparisons and deductions, we
will
produce full explanations. By this means, I will expose the conception
of our
policy and that of the Goys (i.e., Jewish definition of all Gentiles).
It must
be noted that people with corrupt instincts are more numerous than
those of
noble instinct. Therefore, in governing the world the best results are
obtained
by means of violence and intimidation, and not by academic discussions.
Every
man aims at power; everyone would like to become a dictator if he only
could do
so, and rare indeed are the men who would not be disposed to sacrifice
the
welfare of others in order to attain their own personal aims.
What
restrained the wild beasts of
prey, which we call men? What has ruled them up to now? In the first
stages of
social life they submitted to brute and blind force, then to law, which
in
reality is the same force, only masked. From this, I am led to deduct
that by
the law of nature, right lies in might. Political freedom is not a
fact, but an
idea. This idea, one must know how to apply when it is necessary, in
order to
use the same as a bait to attract the power of the populace to one's
party, if
such party has decided to usurp the power of a rival. The problem is
simplified
if the said rival becomes infected with ideas of freedom, so-called
liberalism,
and for the sake of this idea yields some of his power.
In
this the triumph of our idea will
become apparent. The relinquished reins of government by the law of
life are
immediately seized by a new hand, because the blind strength of the
populace
cannot exist for a single day without a leader, and the new government
only
fills the place of the old, which has been weakened by its liberalism.
Nowadays
the power of gold has superseded liberal rulers. There was a time when
religion
ruled. The idea of freedom is not realisable, because no one knows how
to use
it with discretion. It suffices to give the populace self-government
for a
short period for this populace to become a disorganised rabble. From
that very
moment dissensions start which soon develop into social battles; the
States are
set in flames and their total significance vanishes.
Whether
the state is exhausted by its
own internal convulsions, or
whether civil wars hand it over to an
external foe, it can in any case be considered
definitely and finally
destroyed - it will be in our power. The despotism of capital, which is
entirely in our hands, will hold out to it a straw, to which the state
will be
unavoidably compelled to cling; if it does not do so, it will
inevitably fall
into the abyss. Of anybody who might, from motives of liberalism, be
inclined
to remark that discussions of this kind are immoral, I would ask the
question,
why is it not immoral for a state which has two enemies, one external
and one
internal, to use different means of defence against the former to that
which it
would use against the latter, to make secret plans of defence, to
attack him by
night or with superior forces? Why should it then be immoral for the
state to
use these means against that which ruins the foundations and welfare of
its
life?
Can
a sound and logical mind hope
successfully to govern mobs by using arguments and reasoning, when
there is a
possibility of such arguments and reasoning being contradicted by other
arguments, although these may possibly be ridiculous, but are made to
appear
more attractive to that portion of the populace which cannot think very
deeply,
guided as it is entirely by petty passions, habits, and conventions,
and by
sentimental theories? The uninitiated and ignorant populace, together
with
those who have risen from among them, get entangled in party
dissensions which
hinder all possibility of agreement even on a basis of sound arguments.
Every
decision of the masses is dependent on a chance or prearranged majority
which,
in its ignorance of political mysteries, passes absurd resolutions,
thus sowing
the germs of anarchy in the government.
Politics
have nothing in common with
morals. A ruler governed by morals is not a skilled politician; hence, he is not firm on his throne. He
who wants to rule must have recourse to cunningness and hypocrisy.
The great human qualities of sincerity and honesty become vices in
politics.
They dethrone with more certainty than the bitterest enemy. These
qualities
have to be the attributes of the Gentile countries, but we are not in
the least
forced to be guided by them. Our right lies in might. The word
"right" is an abstract idea established by nothing. This word
signifies no more than "give
me what I want in order to enable
me to prove thereby that I am stronger than you are."
Where
does "right" begin?
Where does it end? In a state where power is badly organised, where the
laws
and the personality of the ruler are rendered inefficacious by the
continual
encroaching of liberalism, I take up a new line of attack, making use
of the
right of might to destroy the existing rules and regulations, seize the
laws,
reorganise all the institutions, and thus become the dictator of those
who, of
their own free will, liberally renounced their power and conferred it
on us.
Our strength under the present shaky condition of the civil powers will
be
stronger than any other, because it will be invisible till the moment
when it
becomes so strong that no cunning designs will undermine it. From the
temporary
evil, to which we are now obliged to have recourse, will emerge the
benefit of
an unshakeable rule, which will reinstate the course of the mechanism
of
natural existence, which has been destroyed by liberalism. The end
justifies
the means.
In
making our plans, we must pay
attention not so much to what good and moral, as to what is necessary
and profitable.
We have in front of us a plan in which a strategic line is shown. From
that
line we cannot deviate unless we are going to destroy the work of
centuries. To
work out a suitable scheme of action one must bear in mind the
meanness,
instability, and want of ballast on the part of the crowd, its
incapability to
understand and respect the conditions of its own existence and of its
own
welfare. One must understand that the might of the crowd is blind and
void of
reason in discrimination, and that it lends its ear right and left. If
the
blind lead the blind, they will both fall together into the ditch.
Consequently, those members of the crowd who are upstarts from the people, even were
they
geniuses, cannot come forward as leaders of the mass without ruining
the
nation.
Only
a person brought up to autocratic
sovereignty can read the words formed by political letters. The people
abandoned to themselves, that is to say, upstarts from the masses, are
ruined
by party dissensions which arise from greed of power and honours and
which
create disturbances and disorder. Is it possible for the mass to
discriminate
quietly, and without jealousies to administer the affairs of state,
which they
must not confuse with their personal interests? Can they be a defence
against a
foreign foe? This is impossible, as a plan broken up into as many parts
as
there are minds in the mass loses its value, and therefore becomes
unintelligible and unworkable.
Alone
an autocrat can conceive vast
plans clearly assigning its proper part to everything in the mechanism
of the
machine of state. Hence, we conclude that it is expedient for the
welfare of
the country that the government of the same should be in the hands of
one
responsible person. Without absolute despotism civilisation cannot
exist, for
civilisation is capable of being promoted only under the protection of
the
ruler, whoever he may be, and not at the hands of the masses. The crowd
is a
barbarian, and acts as such on every occasion. As soon as the mob has
secured freedom,
it speedily turns it into anarchy, which in itself is the height of
barbarism.
Just look at these alcoholised animals stupefied by the drink, of which
unlimited use is tolerated by freedom! Should we allow ourselves and
our fellow
creatures to do likewise?
The people of the Christians, bewildered by alcohol, their youths turned crazy by classics and early debauchery, to which they have been instigated by our agents, tutors, servants, governesses in rich houses, clerks, and so forth, by our women in places of their amusement. To the latter I add the so-called "society women" - their voluntary followers in corruption and luxury. Our motto must be "All means of force and hypocrisy." Only sheer force is victorious in politics, especially if it is concealed in the talent indispensable for statesmen. Violence must be the principle, cunning and hypocrisy must be the rule of those governments, which do not wish to lay down their crown at the feet of the agents of some new power. This evil is the only means of attaining the goal of good. Therefore, we must not stop short before bribery, deceit and treachery, if these are to serve achievement of our cause.
In
politics, we must know how to
confiscate property without any hesitation; if by so doing we can
attain
subjection and power. Our State, following the way of peaceful
conquest, has
the right of substituting for the terrors of war executions, less
apparent and
more expedient, which are necessary to uphold terror, producing blind
submission. Just and implacable severity is the chief factor in State
power.
Not only for the sake of advantage, but also for that of duty and
victory, we
must keep to the programme of violence and hypocrisy. Our principles
are as
powerful as the means by which we put them into execution. That is why
not only
by these very means, but by the severity of our doctrines, we shall
triumph and
shall enslave all governments under our super-government. It suffices
that it
should be known that we are implacable in preventing recalcitrance.
Even
of old we were the first to cry
out to the people "Liberty, equality, and fraternity." Words so often
repeated since that time by ignorant parrots flocking together from far
and
wide round these signposts; by repeating them they deprived the world
of its
prosperity and the individual of his real personal freedom, which
formerly had
been so well guarded from being choked by the mob. The would-be wise
and
intelligent Gentiles did not discern how abstract were the words which
they
were uttering, and did not notice how little these words agreed with
one
another and even contradicted each other. They did not see that in
Nature there
is no equality and that she herself created different and unequal
standards of
mind, character and capacity. It is likewise with the subjection to
Nature's
laws. These wiseacres did not divine that the mob is a blind power, and
that
the upstarts elected from its midst as rulers are likewise blind in
politics;
that a man intended to be a ruler, although a fool, can govern, but
that a man
who has not been so intended, although he might be a genius, would
understand
nothing of politics. All this was left out of sight by the Gentiles.
At
the same time, it was on this basis
that dynastic rule was founded. The father used to instruct the son in
the
meaning and in the course of political evolutions in such a manner that
no one
except the members of the dynasty should have knowledge of it, and that
none
could disclose the secrets to the governed people. In time, the meaning
of true
political teachings as transmitted in dynasties from one generation to
another
was lost, and this loss contributed to the success of our cause. Our
call of "Liberty,
Equality, and Fraternity", brought whole legions to our ranks
from all
four corners of the world through our unconscious agents, and these
legions
carried our banners with ecstacy. In the meantime, these words were eating, like so many worms, into the well-being of the Christians and were destroying their peace, steadfastness, and unity, thus ruining the foundations of the States. As we shall see later on, it was this action which brought
about our
triumph. It gave us the possibility among other things of playing the
ace of
trumps - namely, the abolition of privileges; in other words, the
existence of
the Gentile aristocracy, which was the only protection nations and
countries
had against ourselves.
On
the ruins of natural and hereditary
aristocracy we built an aristocracy of our own on a plutocratic basis.
We
established this new aristocracy on wealth, of which we had control,
and on
science promoted by scholars. Our triumph was rendered easier by the
fact that
we, through our connections with people who were indispensable to us,
always
worked upon the most susceptible part of the human mind, namely, by
playing on
our victims' weakness for profits, on their greed, on their
insatiability, and
on the material requirements of man; for each one of the said
weaknesses, taken
by itself, is capable of destroying initiative, thus handing over the
will-power of the people to the mercy of those who would deprive them
of all
their power of initiative. The abstractness of the word "freedom"
made it possible to convince the mob that the government is nothing
else than a
manager, representing the owner, that is to say, the nation, and can be
discarded like a worn-out pair of gloves. The fact that the
representatives of
the nation can be deposed delivered these representatives into our
power and
practically put their appointment into our hands.
It
is indispensable for our purpose
that wars should not produce any territorial alterations. Thus, without
territorial modifications, war would be transferred on to an economical
footing. Then nations will recognise our superiority in the assistance
which we
shall render, and this state of affairs will put both sides at the
mercy of our
international million-eyed agents, who are possessed of absolutely
unlimited
means. Then our international rights will sweep away the laws of the
world and
will rule countries in the same manner as individual governments rule
their
subjects.
We
will select administrators from
among the public, who will be possessed of servile tendencies. They
will not be
experienced in the art of government and therefore will be easily
turned into
pawns in our game in the hands of our learned and wise counsellors, who
have
been especially trained from early childhood for governing the world.
As is
already known to you, these men have studied the science of governing
from our
political plans, from experience of history and from observation of
passing
events. The Gentiles do not profit by continuous historical
observations, but
follow theoretical routine without contemplating what the results of
the same
may be. Therefore, we need not take the Gentiles into consideration.
Let them
enjoy themselves until the time comes, or let them live in hopes of new
amusements or on the reminiscences of passed joys. Let them think that
these
laws of theory, with which we have inspired them, are of supreme
importance to
them.
With
this object in view, and with the
help of our press, we continually increase their blind faith in these
laws. The
educated classes of the Gentiles will pride themselves in their
learning and,
without verifying it, they will put into practice the knowledge
obtained from
science, which was dished up to them by our agents with the object of
educating
their minds in the direction which we required. Do not imagine that our
assertions are empty words. Note here the success of Darwin, Marx and
Nietsche
pre-arranged by us. The demoralising effect of the tendencies of these
sciences
on the Gentile mind should certainly be obvious to us. In order to
refrain from
making mistakes in our policy and administrative work, it is essential
for us
to study and bear in mind the present line of thought, the characters
and
tendencies of nations.
The
triumph of our theory is its
adaptability to the temperament of the nations with which we come into
contact.
It cannot be successful if its practical application is not based on
the
experience of the past in conjunction with observations of the present.
The
press in the hands of existing governments is a great power, by which
the
control of peoples' minds is obtained. The press demonstrates the vital
claims
of the populace, advertises complaints and sometimes creates discontent
among
the mob. The realisation of free speech is born in the press. But
governments
did not know how to make proper use of this power, and it fell into our
hands.
Through the press we achieved influence, although we ourselves kept in
the
background. Thanks to the press we accumulated gold, though it cost us
streams
of blood: it cost us the sacrifice of many of our people, but every
sacrifice
on our side is worth thousands of Gentiles before God.
Today
I can assure you that we are
only within a few strides of our goal. There remains only a short
distance and
the cycle of the Symbolic Serpent - that badge of our people - will be
complete. When this circle is locked, all the States of Europe will be
enclosed
in it, as it were, by unbreakable chains. The existing constructional
scales
will soon collapse because we are continually throwing them out of
balance in
order the more quickly to wear them out and destroy their efficiency.
The
Gentiles thought that the scales had been made sufficiently strong and
expected
them to balance accurately. But the supporters of the scales - that is
to say,
the heads of States - are hampered by their servants who are of no
avail to
them, drawn away as they are by this unlimited power of intrigue which
is
theirs, thanks to the terrors prevailing in the palaces.
As
the sovereign has no means of
access to the hearts of his people, he cannot defend himself against
the
power-loving intriguers. As the watchful power has been separated by us
from
the blind power of the populace, both have lost their significance,
because
once parted they are as helpless as a blind man without a stick. In
order to
induce lovers of power to make a bad use of their rights, we set all
powers one
against the other by encouraging their liberal tendencies towards
independence.
We encouraged every undertaking in this direction; we placed formidable
weapons
in the hands of all parties and made power the goal of every ambition.
Out of governments, we made arenas on which party wars are fought out. Soon
open
disorder and bankruptcy will appear everywhere. Insuppressibly babblers
transformed parliamentary and administrative meetings into debating
meetings.
Audacious journalists and impudent pamphleteers are continually
attacking the
administrative powers.
Abuse
of power will definitely prepare
the crash of all institutions and everything will fall prostrate under
the
blows of the raging populace. The people are enslaved in the sweat of
their
brows in poverty after a manner more formidable than the laws of
serfdom. From
the latter they could free themselves by some means or another, whereas
nothing
will liberate them from the tyranny of absolute want. We took care to
insert
rights in constitutions which for the masses are purely fictitious. All
the
so-called "rights of the people" can only exist in ideas which are
not applicable in practice. How does it avail a workman of the
proletariat, who
is bent double by work and oppressed by his fate, if a chatterer gets
the right
to speak or a journalist the right to publish any kind of rubbish? What
good is
a constitution to the proletariat if they get no other advantage from
it except
the crumbs, which we throw them from our table in return for their
votes to
elect our agents? Republican rights are an irony for the pauper, for
the
necessity of every day's labour keeps him from gaining any advantage by
such
rights and it only takes away the guarantee of continuous fixed wages,
making
him dependent on employers, strikes and comrades.
Under
our auspices, the populace
exterminated the aristocracy which had supported and guarded the people
for its
own benefit, which benefit is inseparable from the welfare of the
populace.
Nowadays, having destroyed the privileges of the aristocracy, the
people fall
under the yoke of cunning profiteers and upstarts. We intend to appear
as
though we were the liberators of the labouring man, come to free him
from this
oppression, when we shall suggest to him to join the ranks of our
armies of
Socialists, Anarchists, and Communists. The latter we always patronise,
pretending
to help them out of fraternal principle and the general interest of
humanity
evoked by our socialistic masonry. The aristocracy, who by right shared
the
labour of the working classes, were interested in the same being well
fed,
healthy and strong.
We
are interested in the opposite,
i.e., in the degeneration of the Gentiles. Our strength lies in keeping
the
working man in perpetual want and impotence; because, by so doing, we
retain
him subject to our will and, in his own surroundings, he will never
find either
power or energy to stand up against us. Hunger will confer upon Capital
more
powerful rights over the labourer than ever the lawful power of the
sovereign
could confer upon the aristocracy. We govern the masses by making use
of
feelings of jealousy and hatred kindled by oppression and need. And by
means of
these feelings we brush aside those who impede us in our course. When
the time
comes for our Worldly Ruler to be crowned, we will see to it that by
the same
means - that is to say, by making use of the mob - we will destroy
everything
that may prove to be an obstacle in our way.
The
Gentiles are no longer capable of
thinking without our aid in matters of science. That is why they do not
realise
the vital necessity of certain things; which we will make a point of
keeping
against the moment when our hour arrives - namely, that in schools the
only
true and the most important of all sciences must be taught, that is,
the
science of the life of man and social conditions, both of which require
a division
of labour and therefore the classification of people in castes and
classes. It
is imperative that everyone should know that true equality cannot exist
owing
to the different nature of various kinds of work, and those who act in
a manner
detrimental to a whole caste have a different responsibility before the
law to
those who commit a crime only affecting their personal honour.
The
true science of social conditions,
to the secrets of which we do not admit the Gentiles, would convince
the world
that occupations and labour should be kept in specified castes so as
not to
cause human suffering, arising from an education which does not
correspond with
the work which individuals are called upon to do. If they were to study
this
science, the people would of their own free will submit to the ruling
powers
and to the castes of government classified by them. Under the present
conditions of science and the line which we have allowed it follow, the
populace, in its ignorance, blindly believes in printed words and in
erroneous
illusions which have been duly inspired by us, and it bears malice to
all
classes it thinks higher than itself. For it does not understand the
importance
of each caste. This hatred will become still more acute where economic
crises
are concerned, for then it will stop the markets and production.
We
will create a universal economic
crisis, by all possible underhand means and with the help of gold,
which is all
in our hands. Simultaneously we will throw on to the streets huge
crowds of
workmen throughout Europe. These masses will then gladly throw
themselves upon
and shed the blood of those of whom, in their ignorance, they have been
jealous
from childhood, and whose belongings they will then be able to plunder.
They
will not harm us, because the moment of the attack will be known to us
and we
will take measures to protect our interests. We persuaded the Gentiles
that
liberalism would bring them to a kingdom of reason. Our despotism will
be of
this nature, for it will be in a position to put down all rebellions
and by
just severity to exterminate every liberal idea from all institutions.
When
the populace noticed that it was
being given all sorts of rights in the name of liberty, it imagined
itself to
be the master, and tried to assume power. Of course, like every other
blind
man, the mass came up against innumerable obstacles. Then, as it did
not wish
to return to the former regime, it lay its power at our feet. Remember
the
French Revolution, which we call the "Great," the secrets of its
preparatory organisation are well known to us, being the work of our
hands.
From that time onwards, we have led nations from one disappointment to
another,
so that they should even renounce us in favour of the King-Despot of
the blood
of Zion, whom we are preparing for the world.
At
present, we, as an international
force, are invulnerable, because, whilst we are attacked by one Gentile
government, we are upheld by others. In their intense meanness the
Christian
peoples help our independence - when kneeling they crouch before power;
when
they are pitiless towards the weak; merciless in dealing with faults
and
lenient to crimes; when they refuse to recognise the contradictions of
freedom;
when they are patient to the degree of martyrdom in bearing with the
violence
of an audacious despotism.
At
the hands of their present
dictators, premiers and ministers, they endure abuses, for the smallest
of
which they would have murdered twenty kings. How is this state of
affairs to be
explained? Why are the masses so illogical in their conception of
events? The
reason is, that despots persuade the people through their agents, that,
although they may misuse their power and do injury to the state, this
injury is
done with a high purpose, i.e., in order to attain prosperity for the
populace,
for the sake of international fraternity, unity and equality.
Certainly, they
do not tell them that such unification can only be obtained under our
rule. So
we see the populace condemning the innocent, and acquitting the guilty,
convinced that it can always do what it pleases. Owing to this state of
mind
the mob destroys all solidity and creates disorder at every turn and
corner.
The
word "liberty" brings
society into conflict with all the powers, even with that of Nature and
of God.
That is why, when we come into power, we must strike the word
"liberty" out of the human dictionary, as being the symbol of bestial
power, which turns the populace into bloodthirsty animals. But we must
bear in
mind that these animals fall asleep as soon as they are satiated with
blood,
and at that moment it is easy to enchant and enslave them. If they are
not
given blood, they will not sleep, but will fight with one another.
Every
republic passes through various
stages. The first stage is the first days raging of the blind, sweeping
and
destroying right and left. The second, the reign of the demagogue,
bringing
forth anarchy and entailing despotism. This despotism is not officially
legal,
and, therefore, irresponsible; it is concealed and invisible, but, all
the
same, lets itself be felt. It is generally controlled by some secret
organisation, which acts behind the back of some agent, and will,
therefore, be
the more unscrupulous and daring. This secret power will not mind
changing its
agents who mask it. The changes will even help the organisation, which
will
thus be able to rid itself of old servants, to whom it would have been
necessary to pay larger bonuses for long service. Who or what can
dethrone an
invisible power?
Now
this is just what our government
is. The masonic lodge throughout the world unconsciously acts as a mask
for our
purpose. But the use that we are going to make of this power in our
plan of
action, and even our headquarters, remain perpetually unknown to the
world at
large. Liberty could be harmless and exist in governments and countries
without
being detrimental to the welfare of the people, if it were based on
religion and
fear of God, on human fraternity, free from ideas of equality, which
are in
direct contradiction to the laws of creation, and which have ordained
submission. Governed by such a faith as this, the people would be ruled
under
the guardianship of their parishes, and would exist quietly and humbly
under
the guidance of the spiritual pastor, and submit to God's disposition
on earth.
That is why we must extract the very conception of God from the minds
of the
Christians and replace it by arithmetical calculations and material
needs. In
order to divert the minds of the Christians from our policy, it is
essential
that we should keep them occupied with trade and commerce. Thus all
nations
will be striving for their own profits, and in this universal struggle
will not
notice their common enemy.
But,
so that liberty should entirely
dislocate and ruin the social life of the Gentiles, we must put
commerce on a
speculative basis. The result of this will be that the riches of the
land
extracted by production will not remain in the hands of the Gentiles,
but will
pass through speculation into our coffers. The struggle for superiority
and
continuous speculations in the business world will create a
demoralised,
selfish and heartless society. This society will become completely
indifferent
and even disgusted by religion and politics. Lust of gold will be their
only
guide. And this society will strive after this gold, making a veritable
cult of
the materialistic pleasures with which it can keep them supplied. Then
the
lower classes will join us against our competitors - the privileged
Gentiles -
with no pretence a noble motive, or even for the sake of riches, but
out pure
hatred towards the upper classes.
What
kind of government can one give
to societies in which bribery and corruption have penetrated
everywhere, where
riches can only be obtained by cunning surprises and fraudulent means,
in which
dissensions continuously prevail; where morality must be supported by
punishment and strict laws, and not by, voluntary accepted principles,
in which
patriotic and religious feelings are merged in cosmopolitan
convictions? What
form of government can be given to these societies other than the
despotic
form, which I describe to you? We will organise a strong centralised
government,
so as to gain social powers for ourselves. By new laws we will regulate
the
political life of our subjects, as though they were so many parts of a
machine.
Such laws will gradually restrict all freedom and liberties allowed by
the
Gentiles. Thus our reign will develop into such a mighty despotism,
that it
will be able at any time or place to squash discontented or
recalcitrant
Gentiles.
We
shall be told that the kind of
despotism which I suggest will not suit the actual progress of
civilisation, but
I will prove to you that the contrary is the case. In the days when the
people
looked on their sovereigns as on the will of God, they quietly
submitted to the
despotism of their monarchs. But from the day that we inspired the
populace
with the idea of its own rights, they began to regard kings as ordinary
mortals. In the eye of the mob the holy anointment fell from the head
of
monarchs, and, when we took away their religion, the power was thrown
into the
streets like public property, and was snatched up by us. Moreover,
among our
administrative gifts, we count also that of ruling the masses and
individuals
by means of cunningly constructed theories and phraseology, by rules of
life
and every other kind of device.
All
these theories, which the Gentiles
do not at all understand, are based on analysis and observation,
combined with
so skilful a reasoning as cannot be equalled by our rivals, any more
than these
can compete with us in the construction of plans for political actions
and
solidarity. The only society known to us which would be capable of
competing
with us in these arts, might be that of the Jesuits. But we have
managed to
discredit these in the eyes of the stupid mob as being a palpable
organisation,
whereas we ourselves have kept in the background, reserving our
organisation as
a secret. Moreover, what difference will it make to the world who is to
become
its master, whether the head of the Catholic Church, or a despot of the
blood
of Zion? But to us, "the Chosen People," the matter cannot be
indifferent.
For a time the Gentiles might perhaps be able to deal with us. But oh
this
account we need fear no danger, as we are safeguarded by the deep roots
of
their hatred for one another, which cannot be extracted. We set at
variance
with one another all personal and national interests of the Gentiles,
by
promulgating religious and tribal prejudices among them, for nearly
twenty
centuries.
To
all this, the fact is due that not
one single government will find support from its neighbours when it
calls upon them
for it, in opposing us, because each one of them will think that action
against
us might be disastrous for its individual existence. We are too
powerful - the
world has to reckon with us. Governments cannot make even a small
treaty
without our being secretly involved in it. "Per me reges regunt" (let
kings reign through me). We read in the Law of Prophets that we have
been
chosen by God to rule the earth. God gave us genius, in order that we
should be
capable of performing this work. Were there a genius in the enemy's
camp he
might yet fight us, but a newcomer would be no match for old hands like
ourselves, and the struggle between us would be of such a desperate
nature as
the world has never yet seen.
It
is already too for their genius.
All the wheels of state-mechanism are set in motion by a power, which
is in our
hands, that to say - gold. The science of political economy, thought
out by our
learned scientists, has already proved that the power of capital is
greater
than the prestige of the Crown. Capital, in order to have a free field,
must
obtain absolute monopoly of trade and commerce. This is already being
achieved
by an invisible hand in all parts of the world. Such a freedom will give
political
power to traders, who, by profiteering, will oppress the populace.
Nowadays it
is more important to disarm the people than to lead them to war. It is
more
important to use burning passions for our cause, than to extinguish
them; to
encourage the ideas of others and use them for our own purpose, than to
dissipate
them. The main problem for our government is: how to weaken the brain
of the
public by criticism, how to make it lose its power of reasoning, which
creates
opposition, and how to distract the public mind by senseless
phraseology.
At
all times nations, as well as
individuals, have taken words for deeds, as they are contented with
what they
hear, and seldom notice whether the promise has been actually
fulfilled.
Therefore, simply for the purpose of show, we will organise
institutions,
members of which, by eloquent speeches, will prove and praise their
contributions to "progress." We will assume a liberal appearance for
all parties and for all tendencies, and will provide all our orators
with one.
These orators will be so loquacious, that they will weary the people
with
speeches to such a degree, that the people will have more than enough
of
oratory of any kind. In order to secure public opinion, this must first
be made
utterly confused by the expression from all sides of all manner of
contradictory opinions, until the Gentiles become lost in their
labyrinth. Then
they will understand that the best course to take is to have no opinion
on
political matters - matters which are not intended to be understood by
the
public, but which should only be reserved to the directors of affairs.
This is
the first secret.
The
second secret, necessary for our
successful governing, consists in multiplying to such an extent the
faults,
habits, passions, and conventional laws of the country, that nobody
will be
able to think clearly in the chaos - therefore men will cease to
understand one
another. This policy will also help us to sow dissensions amongst all
parties,
to dissolve all collective powers, and to discourage all individual
initiative,
which might in any way hinder our schemes. There is nothing more
dangerous than
personal initiative: if there are brains at the back of it, it may do
more harm
to us than the millions of people whom we have set at one another's
throats. We
must direct the education of Christian societies in such a way, that in
all
cases where initiative is required for an enterprise, their hands
should drop
in hopeless despair. Tension, brought about by freedom of action, loses
force
when it encounters the freedom of others. Hence come - moral shocks,
disappointments and failures.
By
all these means, we will so oppress
the Christians that they will be forced to ask us to govern them
internationally. When we attain such a position we shall be able,
straightway,
to absorb all powers of governing throughout the whole world, and to
form a
universal Super-government. In the place of existing governments, we
will place
a monster, which will be called the Administration of the Super
government. Its
hands will be outstretched like far-reaching pinchers, and it will have
such an
organisation at its disposal, that it will not possibly be able to fail
in
subduing all countries.
Soon
we will start organising great
monopolies - reservoirs of colossal wealth, in which even the large
fortunes of
the Gentiles will be involved to such an extent that they will sink
together
with the credit of their government the day after political crisis
takes place.
(It being evidently intended that the Jews should withdraw their money
at the
last moment.) Those among you who are present here today, and are
economists,
just calculate the importance of this scheme! We must use every
possible kind
of means to develop the popularity of our Super government, holding it
up as a
protection and recompense of all who willingly submit to us.
The
aristocracy of the Gentiles, as a
political power, is no more, - therefore we need not consider it any
more from
that point of view. But as landowners they are still dangerous to us,
because
their independent existence is ensured through their resources.
Therefore, it
is essential for us, at all costs, to deprive the aristocracy of their
lands.
To attain this purpose the best method is to force up rates and taxes.
These
methods will keep the landed interests at their lowest possible ebb.
The
aristocrats of the Gentiles, who, by the tastes which they have
inherited, are
incapable of being contented with a little, will soon be ruined.
At
the same time we must give all
possible protection to trade and commerce, and especially to
speculation, the
principal role of which is to act as a counterpoise to industry.
Without speculation,
industry will enlarge private capitals and will tend to raise
agriculture by
freeing the land from debt and mortgages, advanced by agricultural
banks. It is
essential that industry should drain the land of all its riches, and
speculation should deliver all the world's wealth thus procured into
our hands.
By this means, all the Gentiles would be thrown into the ranks of the
proletariat. Then the Gentiles will bow down before us, in order to
obtain the
right to exist.
In
order to ruin the industry of the
Gentiles and to help speculation, we will encourage the love for
boundless
luxury, which we have already developed. We will increase the wages,
which will
not help the workmen, as at the same time we will raise the price of
prime
necessities, taking as a pretext the bad results of agriculture. We
will also
artfully undermine the basis of production by sowing seeds of anarchy
amongst
the workmen, and encouraging them in the drinking of spirits. At the
same time,
we will use all possible means to drive all the Gentile intelligence
from the
land. In order that the true position of affairs should not be
prematurely
realised by the Gentiles, we will conceal it by an apparent desire to
help the
working classes in solving great economic problems, the propaganda of
which our
economic theories are assisting in every possible way.
Intensified
military service and the
increase of police force are essential to complete the above plans. It
is
essential for us to arrange that, besides ourselves, there should be in
all
countries nothing but a huge proletariat, so many soldiers and police
loyal to our cause. In the whole of Europe, and with the help of Europe, we must
promote on
other continents sedition, dissensions and mutual hostility. In this
there is a
twofold advantage: firstly, by these means we command the respect of all
countries, who well know that we have the power to create upheavals at
will, or
else to restore order. All countries are used to look to us for the
necessary
pressure, when such is required. Secondly, by intrigues we shall
entangle all
the threads spun by us in the ministries of all governments not only by
our
politics, but by trade conventions and financial obligations.
In
order to obtain these ends we must
have recourse to much slyness and artfulness during negotiations and
agreements, but in what is called "official language" we shall assume
the opposite tactics of appearing honest and amenable. Thus the
governments of
the Gentiles, which we taught to look only on the showy side of
affairs, as we
present these to them, will even look upon us as benefactors and
saviours of
humanity. We must be in a position to meet every opposition with a
declaration
of war on the part of the neighbouring country of that state which
dares to
stand in our way; but if such neighbours in their turn were to decide
to unite
in opposing us, we must respond by creating a universal war. The main
success
in politics consists in the degree of secrecy employed in pursuing it.
The
action of a diplomat must not correspond with his words.
To
help our worldwide plan, which is
nearing its desired end, we must influence the governments of the
Gentiles by
so-called public opinions, in reality prearranged by us by means of
that
greatest of all powers - the press, which, with a
few insignificant
exceptions not worth taking into account, is entirely in our hands.
Briefly, in
order to demonstrate our enslavement of the Gentile governments in
Europe, we
will show our power to one of them by means of crimes of violence, that
is to
say by a reign of terror (note the present state of Russia, circa
1921); and in
case they all rise against us we will respond with American, Chinese or
Japanese guns.
We
must secure all instruments which
our enemies might turn against us. We shall have recourse to the most
intricate
and complicated expressions of the dictionary of law in order to acquit
ourselves in case we are forced to give decisions, which may seem
overbold and
unjust. For it will be important to express such decisions in so
forcible a
manner, that they should seem to the populace to be of the highest
moral,
equitable and just nature. Our government must be surrounded by all the
powers
of civilisation among which it will have to act. It will draw to itself
publicists, lawyers, practitioners, administrators, diplomats, and
finally
people prepared in our special advanced schools. These people will know
the
secrets of social life; they will master all languages put together by
political letters and words; they will be well acquainted with the
inner side
of human nature, with all its more sensitive strings, on which they
will have
to play.
These
strings form the construction of
the Gentile brain, their good and bad qualities, their tendencies and
vices,
the peculiarity of castes and classes. Of course, these wise
counsellors of our
might to whom I allude will not be selected from amongst the Gentiles,
who are
used to carry on their administrative work without bearing in mind the
results
which they have to achieve, and without knowing for what purpose these
results
are required. The administrators of the Gentiles sign papers without
reading
them, and serve for love of money or ambition. We will surround our
government
by a whole host of economists. That is the reason why science of
economy is the
principal subject taught to the Jews.
We
be surrounded by thousands of
bankers, traders, and, what is still more important, by millionaires,
because
in reality everything will be decided by money. Meanwhile, as long as
it is not
yet safe to fill government posts with our brother Jews, we will
entrust these
important posts to people whose record and characters are so bad as to
form a
gulf between the nation and themselves, and to such people who, in case
they
disobey our orders, may expect judgment and imprisonment. And all this
is with
the object that they should defend our interests until the last breath
has
passed out of their bodies.
Applying
our principles, pay special
attention to the character of the particular nation, by which you are
surrounded and amongst which you have to work. You must not expect to
be
successful in applying our principles all round until the nation in
question
has been re-educated by our doctrines; but by proceeding carefully in
the
application of our principles you will discover that, before ten years
have
elapsed, the most stubborn character will have changed and we shall
have added
yet another nation to the ranks of those who have already submitted to
us. For
the liberal words of our masonic motto, "Freedom,
Equality, and Fraternity",
we will substitute not the words of motto, but words expressing simply
an idea,
and we will say "the right of freedom, the duty of equality, and the
idea
of fraternity," and we shall have the bull by the horns. As a matter of
fact, we have already destroyed all ruling powers except our own, but
in
theory, they still exist.
At
the present time, if any
governments make themselves objectionable to us, it is only a
formality, and
undertaken with our full knowledge and consent, as we need their
anti-Semitic
outbursts in order to enable us to keep our small brothers in order. I
will not
enlarge upon this point, for it has already formed the subject of many
discussions. As a matter of fact, we are encountered by no opposition.
Our
government is in so exceedingly strong a position in the sight of the
law that
we may almost describe it by the powerful expression of dictatorship. I
can
honestly say that at the present time, we are legislators, we sit in
judgment
and inflict punishments, we execute and pardon, we are, as it were, the
commander-in-chief of all armies, riding at their head.
We
rule by mighty force, because in
our hands remain the fragments of a once powerful party, now under our
subjection. We possess boundless ambitions, devouring greed, merciless
revenge
and intense hatred. We are the source of a far-reaching terror. We
employ in
our service people of all opinions and all parties: men desiring to
re-establish monarchies, socialists, communists, and supporters of all
kinds of
utopias. We have put them all into harness; each one of them in his own
way
undermines the remnant of power and tries to destroy all existing laws.
By this
procedure all governments are tormented, they yell for rest and, for
the sake
of peace, are prepared to make any sacrifice. But will not give them
any peace
until they humbly recognize our international super-government.
The
populace clamoured for the
necessity of solving the social problem by international means.
Dissensions
among parties handed these over to us, because in order to conduct an
opposition money is essential, and money is under our control. We have
feared
the alliance of the experienced Gentile sovereign power with that of
the blind
power of the mob, but all measures to prevent the possibility of such
an
occurrence have been taken by us. Between these two powers we have
erected a
wall in the form of the terror which they entertain for one another.
Thus the
blind power of the populace remains a support on our side. We alone
will be its
leaders, and will guide it towards the attainment of our object. In
order that
the hand of the blind should not free itself from our grip, we must be
in
constant contact with the masses if not personally, at any rate through
our
most faithful brothers. When we become a recognised power, we will
personally
address populace in the market places, and will instruct it in
political
matters in whatever direction may suit our convenience.
How
are we to verify what the people
are taught in country schools? But it is certain that what is said by
the envoy
of the government, or by the sovereign himself, cannot fail to be known
to the
whole nation, as it is soon spread by the voice of the people. In order
not to
destroy the institutions of the Gentiles prematurely, we reached them
with our
experienced hand and secured the ends of the springs in their
mechanism. The
latter formerly were in severe but just order; for them we have
substituted
disorderly liberal management. We have had a hand in jurisdiction,
electioneering, in the management of the press, in furthering the
liberty of
the individual, and, what is still more important, in education which
constitutes the main support of free existence.
We
have befooled and corrupted the
rising generation, of the Gentiles by educating them in principles and
theories
known to us to be thoroughly false, but which we ourselves have
inculcated.
Without actually amending the laws already in force, but by simply
distorting
them and by placing interpretations upon them which were not intended
by those
who framed them, we have obtained an extraordinarily useful result.
These
results became at first apparent by the fact that our interpretation
concealed
the real meaning of the laws, and subsequently rendered them so
unintelligible
that it was impossible for the government to disentangle such a
confused code
of laws. Hence the theory arose of not adhering to the letter of the
law, but
of judging by conscience. It is contended that nations can rise in arms
against
us if our plans are discovered prematurely; but in anticipation of this
we can
rely upon throwing into action such a formidable force as will make
even the
bravest of men shudder. By then metropolitan railways and underground
passages
will be constructed in all cities. From these subterranean places, we
will explode
all the cities of the world, together with their institutions and
documents.
Today
I will begin by repeating what
has been previously mentioned, and I beg all of you to bear in mind
that in
politics, governments and nations are satisfied by the showy side of
everything; yes, and how should they have time to examine the inner
side of
things when their representatives only think of amusements? It is most
important for our politics to bear in mind the above-mentioned detail,
as it
will be of great help to us, when discussing such questions as the
distribution
of power, freedom of speech, freedom for the press and religion, rights
of
forming associations, equality in the sight of the law, inviolability
of
property and domicile, the question of taxation (idea of secret
taxation) and
the retrospective force of laws.
All
similar questions are of such a
nature that it is not advisable to openly discuss them in front of the
populace. But in cases where it is imperative that these should be
mentioned to
the mob they must not be enumerated but, without going into detail,
statements
should be made concerning the principles of modern right as recognised
by us.
The importance of reticence lies in the fact that a principle which has
not
been openly declared leaves us freedom of action, whereas such a
principle,
once declared, becomes as good as established. The nation holds the
power of a
political genius in special respect and endures all its high-handed
actions,
and thus regards them: "What a dirty trick, but how skilfully
executed!" "What a swindle, but how well and with what courage it has
been done!"
We
count on attracting all nations to
work on the construction of the foundations of the new edifice which
has been
planned by us. For this reason, it is necessary for us to acquire the
services
of bold and daring agents, who will be able to overcome all obstacles
in the
way of our progress. When we accomplish our coup d'état, we will say to
the
people: "Everything has been going very badly; all of you have
suffered;
now we are destroying the cause of your sufferings, that is to say,
nationalities, frontiers and national currencies. Certainly, you will be
free to
condemn us, but can your judgment be fair if you pronounce it before
you have
had experience of what we can do for your good?" Then they will carry
us
shoulder high in triumph, in hope and in exultation. Power of voting,
in which
we trained the most insignificant members of mankind by organising
meetings and
prearranged agreements, will then play its last part; this power, by
the means
of which we have "enthroned ourselves," will discharge its last debt
to us in its anxiety to see the outcome of our proposition before
pronouncing
its judgment.
In
order to obtain an absolute
majority we must induce everybody to vote, without discriminating
between
classes. Such a majority would not be obtained from educated classes or
from a
society divided into castes. Having then inspired every man's mind with
the
idea of his own self-importance, we will destroy the family life of the
Gentiles and its educational importance; we will prevent men with
clever brains
from coming to the front, and such men the populace, under our
guidance, will
keep subdued and will not permit them even to state their plans. The
mob is
used to listen to us, who pay it for its attention and obedience. By
these
means we shall create such a blind force that it will never be capable
of
taking any decision without the guidance of our agents, placed by us
for the
purpose of leading them.
The
mob will submit to this system,
because it will know that from these leaders will depend its wages,
earnings,
and all other benefits. The system of government must be the work of
one head,
because it will be impossible to consolidate it, if it is the combined
work of
numerous minds. That is why we are only allowed to know the plan of
action, but
must by no means discuss it in order not to destroy its efficacy, the
functions
of its separate parts and the practical meaning of each point. If such
plans were
to be discussed and altered by repeated submissions at the polls, they
would be
distorted by results of all mental misunderstandings: which arise owing
to the
voters not having fathomed the depth of their meanings. Therefore, it
is
necessary that our plans should be decisive and logically thought out.
That
is the reason why we must not
throw the great work of our leader to be torn to pieces by the mob, or
even by
a small clique. For the present, these plans will not upset existing
institutions. They will only alter their theory of economy, and
therefore all
their course of procedures, which will then inevitably follow the way
prescribed by our plans. In all countries, there exist the same
institutions
only different names: the houses of representatives of people, the
ministries,
the senate, a privy council of sorts, legislative and administrative
departments. I need not explain to you the connecting mechanism of
these
different institutions, as it is already well known to you.
Only
note that each of the above-mentioned
institutions corresponds to some important function of the government.
(I use
the word "important" not with reference to the institutions, but with
reference to their functions.) All these institutions have divided
among
themselves all functions of government, that is to say, administrative,
legislative, and executive powers. And their functions have become
similar to
those of the divers separate organs of the human body. If we injure any
part of
the government machinery, the state will fall sick as a human body and
will
die. When we injected the poison of liberalism into the organism of the
state,
its political complexion changed; the states became infected with a
mortal
illness, that is, decomposition of the blood. There remains only to
await the
end of their agonies.
Liberalism
gave birth to
constitutional governments, which took the place of autocracy - the
only
wholesome form of government for the Gentiles. Constitution, as you
know for
yourselves, is nothing more than a school for dissensions,
disagreements,
quarrels, and useless party agitations; in brief, it is the school of
everything that weakens the efficiency of the government. The tribune,
as well
as the Press, has tended to make the rulers inactive and weak, thus
rendering
them useless and superfluous, and for this reason they were deposed in
many
countries.
Then
the institution of a republican
era became possible; and then, in the place of the sovereign, we put a
caricature of the same in the person of a president, whom we chose from
the mob
from among our creatures and our slaves. Thus we laid the mine which we
have
placed under Gentiles, or rather under the Gentile nations. In the near
future,
we will make the president a responsible person. Then we will have no
scruples
in boldly applying the plans, for which our own "dummy" will be
responsible. What does it matter to us if the ranks of place-hunters
become
weak, if confusions arise from the fact that a president cannot be
found -
confusions which will definitely disorganize the country?
In
order to achieve these results, we
will prearrange for the election of such presidents,
whose past record is
marked with some "Panama" scandal or other shady
hidden
transaction. A president of such a kind will be a faithful executor of
our plans,
as he will fear denouncement, and will be under the influence of the
fear which
always possesses a man who has attainted power and anxious to retain
the
privileges and honours associated with his high office. The House of
Representatives will elect, protect, and screen the president; but we
will
deprive this House of its power of introducing and altering laws.
This
power we will give to the
responsible president, who will be a mere puppet in our hands. In that
case,
the power of the president will become a target exposed to various
attacks, but
we will give him means of defence in his right of appeal to the people
above
the heads of the representatives of the nation, that is to say, direct
the
people, who are our blind slaves - the majority of the mob. Moreover,
we will
empower the president to proclaim martial law. We will explain this
prerogative
by fact that the president, being head of the army, must have the same
under
his command for the protection of the new republican constitution,
which protection
is his duty as its responsible representative. Of course, under such
conditions, the key of the inner position will be in our hands and none
other
than ourselves will control legislation.
Moreover,
when we introduce the new
republican constitution, we will, under pretext of state secrecy,
deprive the
house of its right of questioning the desirability of measures taken by
the government. By this new constitution we will also reduce the number of
the
representatives of the nation to a minimum, thus also reducing an
equivalent
number of political passions, and passion for politics. If, in spite of
this,
they should become recalcitrant, we will abolish the remaining
representatives
by appealing to the nation. It will be the President's prerogative to
appoint
the chairman and vice-chairman of the House of Representatives and of
the
senate. In place of continuous, sessions of parliaments we will
institute
sessions of a few months' duration. Moreover, the president, as head of
the
executive power, will have the right to convene or dissolve parliament
and, in
case of dissolution, to defer the convocation of a new parliament.
But,
in order that the president
should not be held responsible for the consequences of these, strictly
speaking, illegal acts, before our plans have matured, we will persuade
the
Ministers and other high administrative officials, who surround the
president,
to circumvent his orders by issuing instructions of their own and thus
compel
them to bear the responsibility instead of the President. This function
we
would especially recommend to be allotted to the senate, to the council
of
state, or to the cabinet, but not to individuals. Under our guidance,
the
President will interpret laws, which might be understood in ways.
Moreover, he
will annul laws in cases when we consider this to be desirable. He will
also
have the right to propose new temporary laws and even modifications in
the
constitutional work of the government, using as a motive for so doing
the
exigencies of the welfare of country.
Such
measures will enable us to
gradually withdraw any rights and indulgences that we may have been
forced to
grant when we first assumed power. Such indulgences we will have to
introduce
in the constitution of governments in order to conceal the gradual
abolition of
all constitutional rights, when the time comes to change all existing
governments for our autocracy. The recognition of our autocrat may
possibly be
realised before the abolition of constitutions, namely, the recognition
of our
rule will start from the very moment when the people, torn by
dissensions and
smarting under the insolvency of rulers (which will have been
pre-arranged by
us), will yell out: "Depose them, and give us one world-ruler, who could unify us and destroy all causes of dissension, namely, frontiers,
nationalities,
religions, state debts, etc. a ruler who could give us peace and rest,
which we
cannot find under the government of our sovereigns and representatives."
But
you know full well for yourselves
that, in order that the multitude should yell for such a request, it is
imperative in all countries to continually disturb the relationship
which
exists between people and governments - hostilities, wars, hatred, and
even
martyrdom, with hunger and need, and with the inoculation of diseases,
to such
an extent, that the Gentiles should not see any exit from their
troubles other
than an appeal for the protection of our money and for our complete
sovereignty. But if we give the nation time to take breath, another
such
opportunity would be hardly likely to recur.
The
council of state will accentuate
the power of the ruler. In its capacity as an official legislative body
it will
be, as it were, a committee for issuing the rulers' commands. Here then
is a
programme of the new constitution, which we are preparing for the
world. We
will make laws, define constitutional rights, and administer such by
means of
(1) edicts of the legislative chamber, suggested by the president; (2)
by means
of general orders and orders of the senate and state council, and by
means of
decisions of the cabinet; and (3) when the opportune moment presents
itself, by
the means of a coup d'état.
Thus,
having roughly determined our
plan of action, we will discuss such details as may be necessary for us
to accomplish
the revolution in the sets of wheels of the state mechanism in the
direction
which I have already, indicated. By these details I mean freedom of the
press,
the rights of forming societies, freedom of religion, election of
representatives of the people, and many other rights, which will have
to vanish
from the daily life of man. If they do not altogether vanish, they will
have to
be fundamentally changed the day after the announcement of the new
constitution. It would only be at this particular moment that it would
be quite
safe for us to announce all our changes, and for the following reason:
all
perceptible changes at any other time might prove dangerous, because,
if they
were forcibly introduced and strictly and indiscriminately enforced,
they might
exasperate the people, as these would fear fresh changes in similar
directions.
On the other hand, if the changes were to entail yet more indulgences,
people
would say that we recognize our mistakes and that might detract from
the glory
of infallibility of the new power.
They
might also say that we had been
frightened and were forced to yield. And were this the case, the world
would
never thank us, as they regard it as a right always to have concessions
made to
them. If either of these impressions were made on the mind of the
public, it
would be extremely dangerous for the prestige of the new constitution.
It is
essential for us that, from the first moment of its proclamation,
whilst the
people will be still suffering from the effects of the sudden change
and will
be in a state of terror and indecision, that they should realise that
we are so
powerful, so invulnerable, and so full of might, that we shall in no
case take
their interests into consideration. We shall want them to understand
that we
will not only ignore their opinion and wishes, but will be ready at any
moment
or place to suppress with a strong hand any expression or hint of
opposition.
We shall want the people to understand that we have taken everything we
wanted
and that we will not, under any circumstances, allow them to share our
power.
Then they will close their eyes to everything out of fear and will
patiently
await further developments.
The
Gentiles are like a flock of sheep
- we are the wolves. And do you not know what the sheep do when wolves
penetrate in to the sheepfold? They close their eyes to everything. To
this
they will be also driven because we will promise to return to them all
their
liberties after subduing the world's enemies and after bringing all
parties
into subjection. I need hardly tell you how long they would have to
wait for
the return of their liberties. For what reasons were we induced to
invent our
policy and to instil the same into the Gentiles? We instilled this
policy into
them without letting them understand its inner meaning.
What
prompted us to adopt such a line
of action, if it was not because we could not, as a scattered race,
attain our
object by direct means, but only by circumvention? This was the real
cause and
origin of our organisation of masonry, which those swine of Gentiles do
not
fathom, and the aims of which they do not even suspect. They are
decoyed by us
into our mass of lodges, which appear to be nothing more than masonic
in order
to throw dust in the eyes of their comrades. By the mercy of God His
chosen
people were scattered, and in this dispersal, which seemed to the world
to be
our weakness, has proved to be all our power, which has now brought us
to the
threshold of universal sovereignty. We have not much more to build on
these
foundations in order to attain our aims.
The
word liberty, which can be
interpreted in diverse ways, we will define thus: "Liberty is the right
of
doing what is permitted by law." Such a definition of this word will be
useful to us in this way, that it will rest with us to say where there
shall be
liberty and where there may not, and for the simple reason that law
will permit
only what is desirable to us. With the Press we will deal in the
following
manner: What is the part played by the Press at the present time? It
serves to
rouse in the people furious passions or sometimes egoistic party
disputes, which
may be necessary for our purpose. It is often empty, unjust, false, and
most
people do not in the least understand its exact purposes. We will
harness it
and will guide it with firm reins; we will also have to gain control of
all
other publishing firms.
It
would be of no use for us to
control the newspaper press, if we were still to remain exposed to the
attacks
of pamphlets and books. We will turn the, at present, expensive
production of
publication into a profitable resource to our government by introducing
a
special stamp duty, and by forcing publishers and typographers to pay
us a
deposit, in order to guarantee our government from any assaults on the
part of
the press. In case of an attack, we will impose fines right and left.
Such
measures as stamps, deposits, and fines will be a large source of
income to the
government. Certainly, party papers would mind paying heavy fines, but,
after a
second serious attack on us, we would suppress them altogether. No one
will be
able with impunity to touch the prestige of our political infallibility.
For
closing down publications, we will use the following pretext: The publication, which is suppressed excites, we
will
say, public opinion without any ground or foundation. But I would ask
you to
bear in mind that amongst the aggressive publications will be those
which have
been instituted by us for this purpose. But they will only attack such
points
in our policy as we intend changing. No piece of information will reach
society
without passing through our control. This we are attaining even at the
present
time by the fact that all news is received by a few agencies, in which
it is
centralized from all parts of the world.
When
we attain power these agencies
will belong to us entirely and will only publish such news as we choose
to
allow. If under the present conditions we have managed to gain control
of the
Gentile society to such an extent that it surveys the world's affairs
through
the coloured glasses which we put over its eyes; if even now there
exists no
impediment to hinder our access to state secrets, as they are called by
the
stupidity of the Gentiles, what will be our position, when we shall be
officially recognized as rulers of the world, in the person of our
world-governing Emperor?
Let
us return to the future of the
press. Anybody desiring to become an editor, librarian, or printer,
will be
compelled to obtain a certificate and licence, which, in case of
disobedience,
would be withdrawn. The canals, through which human thought finds its
expression, will by these means be delivered into the hands of our
government,
which will use the same as an educational organ, and will thus prevent
the
public from being drawn astray by idealising "progress" and
liberalism. Who of us does not know that this fantastic blessing is a
straight
road to utopia, from which have sprung anarchy and hatred towards
authority?
This is for the simple reason that "progress," or rather the idea of
liberal progress, gave the people different ideas of emancipation,
without
setting any limit to it. All so-called liberals are anarchists, if not
in their
action, certainly by ideas. Each one of them runs after the phantom of
liberty,
thinking that he can do whatever he wishes, that is to say, falling
into a
state of anarchy in the opposition which he offers for the mere sake of
opposition.
Let
us now discuss the press. We will
tax it in the same manner as the newspaper press - that is to say, by
means of
excise stamps and deposits. But on books of less than 300 pages we will
place a
tax twice as heavy. These short books we will classify as pamphlets in
order to
diminish the publication of periodicals, which constitute the most
virulent
form of printed poison. These measures will also compel writers to
publish such
long works that they will be little read by the public, and chiefly so
on
account of their high price. We ourselves will publish cheap works in
order to
educate and set the mind of the public in the direction that we desire.
Taxation will bring about a reduction in the writing of aimless leisure
literature, and the fact that they are responsible before the law will
place
authors in our hands. No one desirous of attacking us with his pen
would find a
publisher.
Before
printing any kind of work, the
publisher or printer will have to apply to the authorities for a permit
to
publish the said work. Thus we shall know beforehand of any conspiracy
against
us, and we shall be able knock it on the head by anticipating the plot
and
publishing an explanation. Literature and journalism are the two most
important
educational powers; for this reason, our government will buy up the
greater
number of periodicals. By these means we shall neutralise the bad
influence of
the private press and obtain an enormous influence over the human mind.
If we
were to allow ten private periodicals, we should ourselves start
thirty, and so
forth. But the public must not have the slightest suspicion of these
measures,
therefore all periodicals published by us will seem to be of
contradictory
views and opinions, thus inspiring confidence and presenting an
attractive
appearance to our unsuspecting enemies, who will thus fall into our
trap and
will be disarmed.
In
the front row we will place the
official press. It will always be on guard in defence of our interests
and
therefore its influence on the public will be comparatively
insignificant. In
the second row we will place the semi-official press, the duty of which
will be
to attract the indifferent and lukewarm. In the third row we will place
what
will purport to be our opposition, which in one of its publications
will appear
to be our adversary. Our real enemies will take this opposition into
their
confidence and will let us see their cards. All our newspapers will
support
different parties - aristocratic, republican, revolutionary, and even
anarchical - but, of course, only so long as constitutions last.
These
newspapers, like the Indian god
Vishnu, will be possessed of hundreds of hands, each of which will be
feeling
the pulse of varying public opinion. When the pulse becomes quick,
these hands
will incline this opinion towards our cause, because a nervous subject
is
easily led and easily falls under any kind of influence. If any
chatterers are
going to imagine that they are repeating the opinion of their party
newspaper,
they will in reality be repeating our own opinion, or the opinion which
we
desire. Thinking that they are following the organ of this party, they
will in
reality be following the flag which we will fly for them. In order that
our
newspaper army may carry out the spirit of this programme of appearing
to
support various parties, we must organise our press with great care.
Under
the name of Central Commission
of the Press, we will organise literary meetings, at which our agents
unnoticed
will give the countersign and the passwords. By discussing and
contradicting
our policy, of course always superficially, without really touching on
the
important parts of it, our organs will carry on feigned debates with
official
newspapers in order to give us an excuse for defining our plans with
more
accuracy than we could do in our preliminary announcements. But this,
of
course, only when it is to our advantage. This opposition on the part
of the press
will also serve the purpose of making the people believe that liberty
of speech
still exists. To our agents it win give an opportunity of showing that
our
opponents bring senseless accusations against us, being unable to find
a real
ground on which to refute our policy.
Such
measures, which will escape the
notice of public attention, will be the most successful means of
guiding the
public mind and of inspiring confidence in favour of our government.
Thanks to
these measures, we will be able to excite or calm the public mind on
political
questions, when it becomes necessary for us to do so; we will be able
to
persuade or confuse them by printing true or false news, facts or
contradictions, according as it will suit our purpose. The information
which we
will publish will depend on the manner in which the people are at the
time
accepting that kind of news, and we will always take great care to feel
the
ground before treading on it.
The
restrictions which, as I have
said, we will impose on private publications, win enable us to make a
certainty
of defeating our enemies, because they will not have press organs at
their
disposal by means of which they could truly give full vent to their
opinions.
We shall not even have to make a thorough refutation of their
statements.
Ballons d'essai ("test ballons" - an experiment to see how a new
policy etc. will be received. Concise Oxford Dictionary), which we will
throw
into the third row of our press, we will, if necessary, semi-officially
refute.
Already there exists in French journalism a system of masonic
understanding for
giving countersigns. All organs of the press are tied by mutual
professional
secrets in manner of the ancient oracles. Not one of its members will
betray
his knowledge of the secret, if such a secret has not been ordered to
be made
public.
No
single publisher will have the
courage to betray the secret entrusted to him, the reason being that
not one of
them is admitted into the literary world without bearing the marks of
some
shady act in his past life. He would only have to show the least sign
of
disobedience and the mark would be immediately revealed. Whilst these
marks
remain known only to a few, the prestige of the journalist attracts
public
opinion throughout the country. The people follow and admire him. Our
plans
must extend chiefly to the provinces. It is essential for us to create
such
ideas and inspire such opinions there as we could at any time launch on
the
capital by producing them as the neutral views of the provinces. Of
course, the
source and origin of the idea would not be altered: namely, it would be
ours.
It
is imperative for us that, before
we assume power, cities should sometimes be under the influence of the
opinion
of the provinces - that is to say, that they should know the opinion of
the
majority, which will have been prearranged by us. It is necessary for
us that
the capitals, at the critical psychological moment, should not have
time to
discuss an accomplished fact, but should accept it simply because it
has been
passed by a majority in the provinces. When we reach the period of the
new
regime - that is to say, during the transition stage to our sovereignty
- we
must not allow the press to publish any account of criminal cases; it
will be
essential that people should think that the new regime is so
satisfactory that
even crime has ceased. Where criminal cases occur, they must remain
known only
to their victim and anyone who may have chanced to witness them, and to
these
alone.
The
need of daily bread will force the
Gentiles to hold their tongues and to remain our humble servants. Those
of the
Gentiles whom we may be employing in our press will, under orders from
us,
discuss facts to which it would not be desirable that we should
especially
refer in our official gazette. And, whilst all manner of discussions
and
disputes are thus taking place, we will pass the laws which we need and
will
place them before the public an accomplished fact. No one will dare to
demand
that what has been decided on should be repealed, more especially as we
will
make it appear as if it were our intention to help progress. Then the
press
will draw the attention of the public away by new propositions (you
know for
yourselves that we have always taught the populace to seek new
emotions).
Brainless
political adventurers will
hasten to discuss the new problems, such people who even nowadays do
not
understand what they are talking about. Political problems are not
meant to be
understood by ordinary people; they can only be comprehended, as I have
said
before, by rulers who have been directing affairs for many centuries.
From all
this you may conclude that, when we shall defer to public opinion, we
shall do
so in order to ease the working of our machinery. You can also perceive
that we
seek approval for the various questions not by deeds, but by words. We
continually assert that, in all our measures, we are guided by the hope
and
certainty of serving the common welfare. In order to distract restless
people
from discussing political questions, we provide them with new problems
- that
is to say, those of trade and commerce.
Over
such questions let them become as
excited as they like! The masses consent to abstain and desist from
what they
think is political activity only if we can give them some new
amusements, that
is to say, commerce, which we try and make them believe is also a
political
question. We ourselves induced the masses to take part in politics in
order to
secure their support in our campaign against the Gentile governments.
In order
to keep them from discovering for themselves any new line of action in
politics, we will also distract them by various kinds of amusements,
games,
pastimes, passions, public houses, and so on. Soon we shall start
advertising
in the press, inviting people to enter for various competitions in all
manner
of enterprises, such as art, sport, etc. These new interests will
definitely
distract the public mind from such questions which we would have to
contest
with the populace.
As
the people will gradually lose the
gift of thinking for themselves, they will shout together with us, for
the sole
reason that we shall be the only members of society who will be in a
position
to advance new lines of thought, which lines we will advance by means
of using
as our tools only such persons as could not be suspected of being
allied with
us. The part of liberal idealists will be definitely terminated when
our
government is recognised. Until then they will do us good service. For
this reason,
we will try to direct the public mind towards every kind of fantastic
theory,
which could appear progressive or liberal. It was we who, with complete
success, turned the brainless heads of the Gentiles by our theories of
progress
towards socialism; there is not to be found a brain among the Gentiles
which
would perceive that in every instance, behind the word "progress" is
hidden a deviation from the truth, except in such cases where this word
refers
to scientific discoveries.
For
there is but one true teaching,
and in it there is no room for "progress." Progress, like a false
idea, serves to conceal the truth in order that nobody should know
truth
besides ourselves, God's Chosen People, whom he has elected as its
guardian.
When we get into power, our orators will discuss the great problems
which have
been convulsing humanity in order, in the end, to bring mankind under
our
blessed rule. Who will, then, suspect that all these problems were
instigated
by us in accordance with a political scheme which has been understood
by no man
for so many centuries?
When
we establish ourselves as lords
of the earth, we will not tolerate any other religion except that of our
own,
namely, a religion recognising God alone, with whom our fate is bound
by His
election of us and by whom also the fate of the world is determined.
For this reason,
we must destroy all professions of faith. If the temporary result of
this is to
produce atheists, it will not interfere with our object, but will act
as an
example to those generations to come, who will listen to our teaching
on the
religion of Moses which, by its resolute and well-considered doctrine,
committed to us the duty of subduing all nations under our feet. By
doing this
we shall also lay stress on the mystic truths of the Mosaic teachings
on which,
we shall say, is based all its educative power.
Then,
on every possible occasion, we
will publish articles, in which we will compare our beneficial rule
with that
of the past. The state of blessedness and peace which will then exist,
in spite
of its having been brought about by centuries of disturbance, will also
serve
to illustrate the benevolence of our new rule. The mistakes made by the
Gentiles in their administration will be demonstrated by us in the most
vivid
colours. We will start such a feeling of disgust towards the former
regime that
the nations will prefer a state of peace in a condition of enslavement,
to the
rights of the much-lauded liberty, which has so cruelly tortured them
and drained
from them the very source of human existence, and to which they were
really
only instigated by a crowd of adventurers who knew not what they did.
Useless
changes of government, to
which we have been prompting the Gentiles and by this means undermining
their
state edifice, will by that time have so worried the nations that they
will
prefer to endure anything from us out of fear of having to return to
the
turmoils and misfortunes which they will have gone through. We will
draw
special attention to the historical mistakes of the Gentile governments, by
which they tormented humanity for so many centuries in their lack of
understanding anything that regards true welfare of human life and in
their
search for fantastic plans of social welfare. For the Gentiles have not
noticed
that their plans, instead of improving the relations of man to man,
have only
made them worse and worse.
And
these relations are the very
foundations of human existence. The whole force of our principles and
measures
will be in the fact that they will be explained by us as being in
bright
contrast to the broken-down regime of former social conditions. Our
philosophers will expose all the disadvantages of Gentile religions,
but no one
will ever judge our religion from its true point of view, because
nobody will
ever have a thorough knowledge of it except our own people, who will
never
venture to unveil its mysteries. In the so-considered leading
countries, we
have circulated an insane, dirty and disgusting literature. For a short
time
after the recognition of our rule, we shall continue to encourage the
prevalence of such a literature, in order that it should the more
pointedly
mark the contrast of the teachings which we will issue from our exalted
position. Our learned men, who were educated for the purpose of leading
the
Gentiles, will make speeches, draw up plans, sketch notes and write
articles,
by means of which we will influence men's minds, inclining them towards
that
knowledge and those ideas which suit us.
When
we shall eventually have obtained
power by means of a number of coups d'état which will be arranged by
us, so
that they should take place simultaneously in all countries, and
immediately
after their respective governments shall have been officially
pronounced as incapable
of ruling the populace - a considerable period of time may elapse
before this
is realised, perhaps a whole century - we will make every endeavour to
prevent
conspiracies being made against us. In order to attain this end we will
make
merciless use of executions with regard to all who may take up arms
against the
establishment of our power. The institutions of any fresh secret
society will
also be punishable by death; but those secret societies which exist at
the
present time and which are known to us, which are serving and have
served our
purpose, we will dismiss and exile their members to remote parts of the
world.
Such
is the manner in which we will
deal with any Gentile Freemasons who may know more than will suit our
convenience. Such masons whom we may for some reason or other pardon,
we shall
keep in continual fear of being sent into exile. We will pass a law
which will
condemn all former members of secret societies to be exiled from Europe
where
we shall have the centre of our government. The
decisions of our
government will be final, and no one will have the right of appeal. In order
to call to heel all Gentile societies, in which we have so deeply
implanted
dissensions and the tenets of the protestant religion, merciless
measures will
have to be introduced. Such measures should show the nations that our
power
cannot be infringed. We must take no account of the numerous victims
who will
have to be sacrificed in order to obtain future prosperity. To attain
prosperity even by means of numerous sacrifices is the duty of a
government,
which realises that the conditions of its existence do not only lie in
the
privileges which it enjoys, but also in the executions of its duty.
The
main condition of its stability
lies in the strengthening of the prestige of its power, and this
prestige can
only be obtained by majestic and unshakable might, which should show
that it is
inviolable and surrounded by a mystic power; for example, that it is by
God
appointed. Such has been, up to the present time, the Russian
Autocracy, our
only dangerous enemy, if we are not to include the Holy See. Remember,
at the
time when Italy was streaming with blood, she did not touch a hair of
Silla's
head, and he was the man who made her blood pour out. Owing to his
strength of
character, Silla became a god in the eyes of the populace, and his
fearless
return to Italy made him inviolable. The populace will not harm the man
who
hypnotises it by his courage and strength of mind.
Until
the time when we attain power we
will try to create and multiply lodges of freemasons in all parts of
the world.
We will entice into these lodges all, who may become, or who are known
to be
public-spirited. These lodges will be the main place from which we
shall obtain
our information, as well as being propaganda centres. We will
centralise all
these lodges under one management, known to us alone, and which will
consist of
our learned men. These lodges will also have their own representatives,
in
order to screen where the management really lies. And this management
will
alone have the right of deciding who may speak, and of drawing up the
order of
the day. In these lodges, we will tie the knot of all socialistic and
revolutionary classes of society. The most secret political plans will
be known
to us and will be guided by us in their execution as soon as they are
formed.
Nearly
all the agents in the
international and secret police will be members of our lodges. The
services of
the police are of extreme importance to us, as they are able to throw a
screen
over our enterprises, invent reasonable explanations for discontent
among the
masses, as well as punish those who to submit. Most people who enter
secret
societies are adventurers, who want somehow to make their way in life,
and who
are not seriously minded. With such people, it will be easy for us to
pursue
our object, and we will make them set our machinery in motion.
If
the whole world becomes perturbed,
it will only signify that it was necessary for us to so perturb it in
order to
destroy its too great solidity. If conspiracies start in the midst of
it, this
will mean that one of our most faithful agents is at the head of the
said
conspiracy. It is only natural that we should be the sole people who
direct
masonic enterprises. We are the only people who know how to direct
them. We
know the final aim of each action, whereas the Gentiles are ignorant of
most
things concerning masonry, they cannot even see the immediate results
of what
they are doing. They generally think only of the immediate advantages
of the
moment, and are content if their pride is satisfied in the fulfilment
of their
intention, and do not perceive that the original idea was not their
own, but
was inspired by ourselves.
The
Gentiles frequent Masonic Lodges
out of pure curiosity, or in the hope of receiving their share of the
good
things which are going, and some of them do so, in order to be able to
discuss
their own idiotic ideas before an audience. The Gentiles are on the
lookout for
the emotions of success and applause; these are distributed freely by
us. That
is why we let them have their success; in order to turn to our
advantage the
men possessed by feelings of self-pride, who, without noticing it,
absorb our
ideas, confident in the conviction of their own infallibility, and that
they
alone have ideas and are not subject to the influence of others.
You
have no idea how easy it is to
bring even the cleverest of the Gentiles to a ridiculous state of
naiveté by
working on his conceit, and, on the other hand, how easy it is to
discourage
him by the smallest failure or even by simply ceasing to applaud him
and thus
bring him to a state of servile subjection, holding out to him the
prospect of
some new success. Just as our people despise success, and are only
anxious to
see their plans realised, so the Gentiles love success and are prepared
to
sacrifice all their plans for its sake. This feature in the character
of the
Gentiles renders it much easier for us to do what we like with them.
Those who
appear to be tigers are as stupid as sheep, and their heads are full of
emptiness.
We
will let them ride in their dreams
on the horse of idle hopes of destroying human individuality by
symbolic ideas
of collectivism. They have not yet understood, and never will
understand, that
this wild dream is contrary to the principal law of nature, which, from
the
beginning of the world, created a being unlike all others in order that
he
should have individuality. Does not the fact that we were capable of
bringing
the Gentiles to such an erroneous idea prove, with striking clearness,
what a
narrow conception they have of human life in comparison with ourselves?
Herein
lies the greatest hope of our success. How farsighted were our wise men
of old
when they told us that, in order to attain a really great object we
must not
stop short before the means, nor count the number of victims who must
be
sacrificed for the achievement of the cause! We never counted the
victims of
the seed of those brutes of Gentiles, and, although we have sacrificed
many of
our own people, we have already given them such a position in this
world as
they formerly never dreamt that they would attain.
Comparatively
few victims on our side
have safeguarded our nation from destruction. Every man must inevitably
end by
death. It is better to hasten this end in the case of people who impede
our
cause than in that of those who advance it. We put freemasons to death
in such
a manner that no one, except the brotherhood, can have the least
suspicion of
the fact; not even the victims suspect beforehand. They all die, when
it is
necessary, apparently from a natural death. Knowing these facts, even
the
brotherhood itself dares not protest against it. By such means, we have
cut to
the very root of protest against our orders so far as the freemasons
themselves
are concerned. We preach liberalism to the Gentiles, but on the other
hand we
keep our own nation in entire subjection. Under our influence, the laws
of the
Gentiles have been obeyed as little as possible. The prestige of their
laws has
been undermined by liberal ideas, which have been introduced by us into
their
midst. The most important questions, both political and moral, are
decided by
the Courts of Justice in whatever manner we prescribe. The Gentile
administrator of justice looks upon cases in whatever light we choose
to expose
them.
This
we accomplished by means of our
agents and people with whom we appear to have no connection: opinions
of the
press and other means; even senators and other high officials blindly
follow
our advice. The brain of the Gentile, being of a purely bestial
character, is
incapable of analysing and observing anything and moreover of
foreseeing to
what the development of a case may lead if it is placed in a certain
light. It
is just in this difference of mentality between the Gentiles and
ourselves that
we can easily see the mark of our election by God and superhuman
nature, when
it is compared with the instinctive bestial brain of the Gentiles. They
only
see facts, but do not foresee them, and are incapable of inventing
anything,
with the exception, perhaps, only of things material. From all this it
is clear
that nature herself meant us to lead and rule the world.
When
the time comes for us to govern
openly, the moment will come to show the benevolence of our rule, and
we shall
amend all the laws. Our laws will be short, clear and concise,
requiring no
interpretation, so that everybody will be able to know them inside out.
The
main feature in them will be the obedience required towards authority,
and this
respect for authority will be carried to a very high pitch. Then all
kinds of
abuse of power will cease, because everybody will be responsible before
the one
supreme power, namely that of the sovereign. The abuse of power on the
part of
people other than the sovereign will be so severely punished that all
will lose
the desire to try their strength in this respect. We shall closely
watch each
step taken by our administrative body, from which will depend the
working of
the state machine; because, if the administration becomes slack,
disorder will
arise everywhere. Not a single illegal act or abuse of power will
remain
unpunished. All acts of concealment and of wilful neglect on part of
officials
of the administration will disappear after they have seen the first
examples of
punishment.
The
grandness of our might will
require that suitable punishments should be awarded, that is to say,
that they
should be harsh, even in the case of the smallest attempt to violate
the
prestige of our authority for the sake of personal gain. The man who
suffers
for his faults, even if too severely, will be like a soldier dying on
the
battlefield of the administration in the cause of power, principle, and
law,
which admit of no deviation from the public path for the sake of
personal
interests, even in the case of those who drive the public chariot. For
example,
our judges will know that, by attempting to show their indulgence, they
will
violate the law of justice, which is made in order to award an
exemplary
punishment to men for the offences, which they have committed, and not
in order
to enable the judge to show his clemency. This good quality ought only
to be
shown in private life, and not in the official capacity of a judge,
which
influences the whole basis of the education of mankind.
Members
of the law will not serve in
the courts after 55 years of age for the following reasons: 1- Because
old men
adhere more firmly to preconceived ideas and are less capable of
obeying new
orders. 2- Because such a measure will enable us to make frequent
changes in
the staff, which will thus be subject to any pressure on our part. Any
man who
wishes to retain his post will, in order to secure this, have to obey
us
blindly. In general, our judges will be selected from among men who
understand
that their duty is to punish and to apply laws, and not to indulge in
dreams of
liberalism, which might injure the educational scheme of the
government, as the
Gentile judges at present do. Our scheme for changing officials will
also help
us to destroy any kind of combination which they might form among
themselves,
and so they will work solely in the interest of the government, from
which
their fate will depend. The rising generation of judges will be so
educated
that they will instinctively prevent any action which might harm the
existing
relations of our subjects one to another.
At
present judges of the Gentiles are
indulgent to all manner of criminals, for they do not possess the
correct idea
of their duty, and for the simple reason that rulers, when appointing
judges,
do not impress the idea of their duty upon them. The rulers of the
Gentiles,
when nominating their subjects to important posts, do not trouble to
explain to
them the importance of the same and for what purpose the posts in
question were
created; they act like animals when these send their young out in
search of
prey. Thus, the governments of the Gentiles fall to pieces at the hands
of
their own administrators. We will take more moral, drawn from the
results of
the system adopted by the Gentiles, and use it for the edification of
our
government. We will root out all liberal tendencies from every
important
institution of propaganda in our government, from which may depend the
education of all those who will be our subjects.
These
important posts will be reserved
exclusively for those who were specially educated for administration.
Should it
be observed that to put our officials prematurely on the retired list
might
prove too expensive for our government, I will reply that, first of
all, we
shall try to find private occupation for such officials in order to
compensate
them for the loss of their posts in government employment, or else
that, in any
case, our government will be in possession of all the money in the
world,
therefore expense will not come into consideration. Our autocracy will
be
consistent in all its actions, therefore any decision which our high
command
may choose to take will always be treated with respect and
unconditionally
obeyed. We shall ignore any kind of grumbling or dissatisfaction, and
punish
every sign of discontent so severely that other people will accept it
as an
example for themselves. We will cancel the right of appeal and reserve
it only
for our own use; the reason being that we must not allow the idea to
grow up
among the people that our judges are capable of erring in their
decisions.
In
case of a judgment requiring
revision, we will immediately depose the judge in question and publicly
punish
him, in order that such an error should not occur again. I repeat what
I have
said before, namely that one of our main principles will be to watch
administrative officials, and this chiefly in order to satisfy the
nation,
because it has a full right to insist that a good government should
have good
administrative officials. Our government will bear the appearance of a
patriarchal trust in the person of our ruler. Our nation and our
subjects will
look upon him as upon a father, who takes care to satisfy all their
needs,
looks after all their actions and arranges the dealings of his subjects
one with
another, as well as their dealings with the government. Thus the
feeling of
reverence towards the ruler will penetrate so deeply into the nation
that it
will not be able to exist without his care and leadership. They cannot
live in
peace without him, and will finally recognise him as their sovereign
autocrat.
The people will have such a deep feeling of reverence towards him as
will
approach adoration, especially when they are convinced that his
officials
blindly execute his order and that he alone rules over them.
They
will rejoice to see us regulate
our lives as if we were parents desirous of educating their children
with a
keen sense of duty and obedience. As regards our secret policy, all
nations are
children, and their governments also. As you can see for yourselves, I
base our
despotism on Right and on Duty. The right of the government to insist
that
people should do their duty is in itself an obligation of the ruler,
who is the
father of his subjects. Right of might is granted to him in order that
he
should lead humanity in the direction laid down by the laws of nature,
that is
to say, towards obedience.
Every
creature in this world is under
subjection, if not under that of a man, then under that of
circumstances or
under that of its own nature, in any case under something that is more
powerful
than itself. Therefore, let us be more powerful for the sake of the
common
cause. We must, without hesitation, sacrifice such individuals as may
have
violated the existing order, because in exemplary punishment is the
solution of
the great educational problem. On the day when the King of Israel
places upon
his sacred head the crown, presented to him by the whole of Europe, he
will
become the Patriarch of the world. The number of victims, who will have
to be
sacrificed by our King, will never exceed the number of those who have
been sacrificed
by Gentile sovereigns in their quest for greatness and in their rivalry
with
one another. Our sovereign will be in constant communication with the
people,
he will deliver speeches from tribunes, which speeches will be
immediately
circulated all over the world.
With
the object of destroying any kind
of collective enterprise, other than our own, we will annihilate
collective
work in its initial stage - that is to say, we will transform the
universities
and reconstruct them according to our own plans. The heads of the
universities
and their professors will be specially prepared by means of elaborate
secret
programmes of action, in which they will be instructed and from which
they will
not be able to deviate with impunity. They will be very carefully
nominated and
will be entirely dependent on the government. We will exclude from our
syllabus
all teachings of civil law, as well as of other political subject. Only
a few
men from among the initiated will be selected for their conspicuous
abilities,
in order to be taught these sciences. Universities will not be allowed
to turn
out into the world green young: men with ideas on new constitutional
reforms,
as though these were comedies or tragedies, or who concern themselves
with
political questions, of which even their fathers had no understanding.
A
wrong acquaintance of politics among
a mass of people is the source of Utopian ideas and makes them into bad
subjects. This you can see for yourselves from the educational system
of the
Gentiles. We had to introduce all these principles into their
educational
system, in order that we might as successfully destroy their social
structure
as we have done. When we are in power we will remove from educational
programmes all subjects which might upset the brains of youth and will
make
obedient children out of them, who will love their ruler and recognise
in his
person the main pillar of peace and of public welfare. Instead of
classics and
the study of ancient history, which contains more bad examples than
good, we
will introduce the study of the problems of the future. We will erase
from the
memory of man, the bygone ages, which may be unpleasant to us, leaving
only
such facts as would show the errors of the Gentile governments in
marked
colours. Subjects dealing with questions of practical life, social
organisation
and with the dealings of one man with another, as also lectures against
bad
selfish examples - which are infectious and cause evil, and all other
similar
questions of an instinctive character will be in the forefront of our
educational programme.
These
programmes will be specially
drawn up for the different classes and castes, the education of which
will be
kept strictly apart. It is most important to lay stress on this
particular
system. Each class or caste will have to be educated separately,
according to
its particular position and work. A chance genius always has known and
always
will know how to penetrate into a higher caste but, for the sake of
this quite
exceptional occurrence, it is not expedient to mix the education of the
different castes and to admit such men into higher ranks, in order that
they
may only occupy the places of those who are born to fill them. You know
for
yourselves how fatal it was for the Gentiles when they gave way to the
absolutely idiotic idea of making no difference between the social
classes. In
order that the sovereign should gain a firm place in the hearts of his
subjects
it is necessary that, during his reign, the nation should be taught,
both in
schools as well as in public places, the importance of his activity and
the
benevolence of his enterprise.
We
will abolish every kind of private
education. On holidays, students and their parents will have the right
to
attend meetings in their colleges as though these were clubs. At these
meetings
professors will deliver speeches, purporting to be free lectures, on
questions
of men's dealings with one another, on laws and on misunderstandings
which are
generally the outcome of a false conception of men's social position,
and
finally they will give lessons on new philosophical theories, which
have not
yet been revealed to the world. These theories we will make into
doctrines of
faith, using them as a stepping-stone to our Faith. When I have
finished taking
you through the whole programme and when we shall have finished
discussing all
our plans for the present and for the future, I will read to you the
plan of
that new philosophical theory.
We
know from the experience of many
centuries, that men live and are guided by ideas and that people are
inspired
by these ideas only by means of education, which can be given with the
same
result to men of all ages, but of course by various means. By
systematic education,
we shall take charge of whatever may remain of that independence of
thought, of
which we have been making full use for our own ends for some time past.
We have
already established the system of subduing men's minds by the so-called
system
of demonstrative education (teaching by sight), which is supposed to
make the
Gentiles incapable of thinking independently and so they will, like
obedient
animals, await the demonstration of an idea before they have grasped
it. One of
our best agents in France is Bourgeois: he has already introduced the
new
system of demonstrative education.
The
profession of the law makes people
grow cold, cruel, and obstinate and also deprives them of all
principles and
compels them to take a view of life which is not human, but purely
legal. They
have become used to look on circumstances purely from the point of
view, of
what is to be gained from defence and not from that of the effect which
such a
defence might have on the public welfare. A legal practitioner never
refuses to
defend any case. He will try to obtain an acquittal at all costs by
clinging on
to small tricky points in jurisprudence and by these means he will
demoralise
the court. Therefore, we will limit the sphere of action of this
profession and
will place lawyers on a footing with executive officials. Barristers,
as well
as judges, will have no right to interview their clients and will
receive their
briefs only when they are assigned to them by the law court and they
will study
these solely from reports and documents, and will defend their clients
after
they have been examined in court by the prosecution, basing the defence
of
their clients on the result of this examination. Their fee be fixed,
regardless
of the fact whether the defence has been successful or not. They will
become
simple reporters on behalf of justice, counterbalancing the prosecutor,
who
will be a reporter on behalf of the prosecution.
Thus
legal procedure will be
considerably shortened. By this means we shall also attain an honest
impartial
defence, which will be conducted not by material interests, but by the
personal
conviction of the lawyer. This will also have the advantage of putting
an end
to any bribery or corruption, which can at present take place in the
law courts
of some countries. We have taken great care to discredit the clergy of
the
Gentiles in the eyes of the people, and thus have succeeded in injuring
their
mission, which could have been very much in our way. The influence of
the
clergy on the people is diminishing daily. Today freedom of religion
prevails
everywhere, and the time is only a few years off when Christianity will
fall to
pieces altogether. It will be still easier for us to deal with the
other
religions, but it is too early to discuss this point. We will confine
the
clergy and their teachings to such a small part in life and their
influence
will be made so uncongenial to the populace that their teachings will
have the
opposite effect to what it used to have.
When
the time comes for us to
completely destroy the Papal Court, an unknown hand, pointing towards
the
Vatican, will give the signal for the assault. When the people in their
rage
throw themselves on to the Vatican, we shall appear as its protectors
in order
to stop bloodshed. By this act we will penetrate to the very heart of
this
Court and then no power on earth will expel us from it, until we have
destroyed
the Papal might. The King of Israel will become the true Pope of the
universe,
the Patriarch of the International Church. But until we have
accomplished the
re-education of youth by means of new temporary religions, and
subsequently by
means of our own, we will not openly attack the existing Churches, but
will
fight them by means of criticism, which already has and will continue
to spread
dissensions among them. Generally speaking, our press will denounce
governments, religious and other Gentile institutions by means of all
kinds of
unscrupulous articles, in order to discredit them to such an extent as
our wise
nation only is capable of doing.
Our
government will resemble the Hindu
god Vishnu. Each of our hundred hands will hold one spring of the
social
machinery of State. We shall know everything, without the aid of
official
police, which we have so corrupted for the Gentiles that it only
prevents the
government from seeing real facts. Our programme will induce a third
part of
the populace to watch the remainder from a pure sense of duty and from
the
principle of voluntary government service. Then it will not be
considered
dishonourable to be a spy, on the contrary it will be regarded as
praiseworthy.
On the other hand, the bearers of false reports will be severely
punished, in
order to prevent abuse being made of the privilege of report.
Our
agents will be selected both from
among the upper and the lower classes; they will be taken from among
administrators, editors, printers, booksellers, clerks, workmen,
coachmen,
footmen, etc. This force of police will have no independent power of
action,
and will not have the right to take any measures of their own accord,
and
therefore the duty of this powerless police will consist solely in
acting as
witnesses and in issuing reports. The verification of their reports and
actual
arrests will depend on a group of responsible police inspectors; actual
arrests
will be made by "gendarmes" and city police. In case of failure to
report any misdemeanour, concerning political matters, the person who
should
have reported the same will be punished for wilful concealment of
crime, if it
can be proved that he is guilty of such concealment. In like manner,
our
brothers have to do now, namely, on their own initiative to report to
the
proper authority all apostates and all proceedings that might be
contrary to
our law. So in our Universal government it will be the duty of all our
subjects
to serve their sovereign by taking the above-mentioned action.
An
organisation such as this will root
out all abuse of power and various kinds of bribery and corruption - in
fact,
it will destroy all ideas with which we have contaminated the life of
the
Gentiles, by means of our theories on superhuman rights. How could we
achieve
our aim of creating disorder in the administrative institutions of the
Gentiles
if not by some such means as this? Among the most important means for
corrupting their institutions is the use of such agents as are in a
position,
through their own destructive activity, to contaminate others by
revealing and
developing their own corrupt tendencies, such as abuse of power and a
free use
of bribery.
When,
the time comes for us to take
special-police measures by putting the present Russian system of
"Okhrana" in force (the most dangerous poison for the prestige of the
state) we will stir up mock disorders among the populace, or induce it
to show
protracted discontent, and this with the aid of good orators. These
orators
will find plenty of sympathisers, thus giving us an excuse for
searching
people's houses and placing them under special restrictions by making
use of
our servants among the police of the Gentiles. As most conspirators are
actuated by their love for such art and for that of chattering, we will
not
touch them until we see that they are about to take action, and we will
confine
ourselves to introducing among them a, so to speak, reporting element.
We
must remember that a power loses
prestige every time that it discovers a public conspiracy against
itself. In
such a revelation lies the presumption of weakness and, what is still
more
dangerous, the admission of its own mistakes. It must be known that we
have
destroyed the prestige of reigning Gentiles by means of a number of
private
assassinations, accomplished by our agents, the blind sheep of our
flock, who
can easily be induced to commit a crime, so long as such a crime is of
a
political character. We will force rulers to admit their own weakness
by openly
introducing special police measures, "Okhrana," and thus we shall
shake the prestige of their own power.
Our
sovereign will be protected by
means of most secret guards, as we will never allow anyone to think
that there
might exist such a conspiracy against our ruler that he could not
personally
destroy and from which he is obliged to hide himself. If we were to
allow the
existence of such an idea to prevail, as it prevails among the
Gentiles, we
should thereby sign the death warrant of our sovereign or, if not of
himself,
then of his dynasty. By a strict observance of appearances, our ruler
will use
his power only for the benefit of the nation, but never for his own
good or for
that of the dynasty. By strictly adhering to such a decorum, his power
be
honoured and protected by his subjects themselves. They will worship
the power
of the sovereign, knowing that to this power is tied the welfare of the
state,
because from it will depend public order. To guard the King openly is
equivalent to an admission of the weakness of his power.
Our
ruler will always be amidst his
people and will appear to be surrounded by an inquisitive crowd of men
and
women, apparently always by chance occupying the rows nearest to him
and thus
holding back the mob with a view to keeping order merely for order's
sake. This
example will teach others to exercise self-control. In case of a
petitioner
amongst the people trying to submit a demand and pushing through the
mob, the
people in the first rows will take his petition and will remit it to
the ruler
in the presence of the petitioner, in order that everyone should know
that all
petitions reach the sovereign and that he himself controls all affairs.
In
order to exist, the prestige of power must occupy such a position, that
the
people can say among themselves, "If only the King knew about it" or
"When the King knows about it." The mysticism, which surrounds the
person of the sovereign, vanishes as soon as a guard of police is seen
to be
placed round him.
When
such a guard is employed, any
assassin has only to exercise a certain amount of audacity, in order to
imagine
himself stronger than the guard; he thus realises his strength and so
only has
to watch for the moment, when he can make an assault on the said power.
We do
not preach this doctrine to the Gentiles, and you can see for
yourselves the
results, which the employment of open guards has had for them. Our
government
will arrest such people as they may more or less rightfully suspect of
political crimes. It is not desirable for fear of misjudging a man to
give an
opportunity of escape to such suspects. We will, indeed, show no mercy
to such
criminals. In certain exceptional cases it may be possible to consider
attenuating circumstances, when dealing with ordinary criminal
offences; but
there can be no excuse for a political crime, that is to say, no excuse
for men
to become involved in politics, which none, except the ruler, should
understand. And, indeed, not all rulers are capable of understanding
true
politics.
We
will prohibit individuals from
becoming involved in politics, but, on the other hand, we will
encourage every
kind of report or petition submitting suggestions for the approval of
the government,
which deal with the improvement of social and national life. Thus, by
these
means, the mistakes of our government and the ideals of our subjects
will
become known to us. We will answer these suggestions by accepting them
or, if
they are unsatisfactory, by producing a sound argument to prove that
they are
impossible of realisation and based on a short-sighted conception of
affairs.
Sedition is no more than the barking of a dog at an elephant. In a
government
that is well organised from a social point of view, but not from a
point of
view of its police, the dog barks at the elephant without realising his
strength. The elephant has only to show its strength by one good
example for
the dogs to stop barking and to start wagging their tails as soon as
they see
the elephant.
In
order to deprive the political
criminal of his crown of valour, we will place him in the ranks of
other
criminals on an equal footing with thieves, murderers, and other kinds
of
repulsive malefactors. Then public opinion will mentally regard
political
crimes in the same light as ordinary crimes and will place the same
common stigma
on both. We have done our best to prevent the Gentiles from adopting
this
particular method of dealing with political crimes. In order to attain
this
end, we have made use of the press, public speaking, and cleverly
thought-out
history schoolbooks, and inspired the idea of a political murderer
being a
martyr, because he died for the idea of human welfare. Such an
advertisement
has multiplied the number of liberals and has swollen the ranks of our
agents
by thousands of Gentiles.
Today
I will deal with our financial
programme, which I have left for the end of my report, as being the
most
difficult question and forming the final clause in our plans. Before
discussing
this point, I will remind you of that which I have touched upon before,
namely,
that our whole policy is dependent on a question of figures. When we
get into
power our autocratic government will, for the sake of self-interest,
avoid
imposing heavy taxation on the populace, and will always bear in mind
that part
which it has to play, namely, the part of father protector. But, as the
organisation of the government will absorb vast sums of money, it is
all the
more necessary to raise the required means for maintaining it.
Therefore, we
must exercise great care in working out this question and see that the
burden
of taxation is fairly distributed.
Through
a legalised fiction, our
sovereign will be the owner of all property in the state (this is
easily put
into practice). He will be able to raise such sums of money as may be
necessary
to regulate the circulation of currency in the country. Hence, the best
means
to meet government expenses will be by a progressive taxation of
property.
Thus, taxation will be paid without oppressing or ruining the people
and the
amount at which it will be assessed will depend on the value of each
individual
property. It must be understood by the rich that it is their duty to
hand over
part of their surplus wealth to the government, because the government
guarantees them safe possession of the remainder of their property and
gives
them the right to earn money by honest means. I say honest, because the
control
of property will preclude robbery on legal grounds.
This
social reform must be in the
forefront of our programme, as it is the principal guarantee of peace
and will
brook no delay. Taxation of the poor is the origin of all revolution
and always
greatly conducive to injury to the government, as the latter, while
trying to
raise money from the poor, loses its chance of obtaining it from the
rich.
Taxation of capital will diminish the increase of wealth in private
hands, into
which we have up till now purposely allowed it to accumulate, in order
to act
as a counterpoise to the government of the Gentiles and their finances.
Progressive taxation assessed according to the fortune of the
individual will
produce a much larger revenue than the present system of taxing
everybody at an
equal rate. This system is at the present time (1901) most essential
for us, it
creates discontent among the Gentiles. (Note that this lecture was
delivered in
1901.) Our sovereign's power will rest mainly on the fact that he will
be a
guarantee for the balance of power for the perpetual peace of the world
and, in order to obtain such a peace, capitals will have to surrender - of their
wealth so
as to safeguard the government in action.
Government
expenditure must be paid
for by those who can best afford to do so and from whom money can be
raised.
Such a measure will stop hatred on the part of the poorer classes for
the rich,
in whom they will recognise the necessary financial supporters of the
government and will see the upholders of peace and public welfare; the
poorer
classes will understand that the rich provide the means for supplying
them with
social benefits. In order that the intelligent classes, that is to say
the
taxpayers, should not complain excessively about the new system of
taxation, we
will furnish them with detailed accounts, in which will be set forth
the manner
in which their money is being spent, excepting of course such portion
of it as
is spent on the private needs of the sovereign and on the requirements
of
administration.
The
sovereign will have no personal
property, as everything in the state will belong to him, for if
sovereign were
allowed to own private property, it would appear as though all property
in the state did not belong to him. The relations of the sovereign - except his heir,
who
will also be kept at government expense - will have to serve as
government
officials or else work in order to retain the right of holding
property, the
privilege of being of royal blood would not entitle them to live at the
expense
of the state. There will be a progressive stamp duty on all sales and
purchases
as well as death duties. Any transaction without the required stamp
will be
considered illegal, and the former owner will be obliged to pay to the
government a percentage on the duty from the date of the sale.
All
transfer vouchers must be
delivered weekly to the local surveyors of taxes, together with a
statement of
the name and surname of both the new and previous owner, as well as the
permanent addresses of both. Such a procedure will be necessary for
transactions in excess of a certain amount, that is to say, in excess
of the
amount equal to the average daily expenditure. The sale of prime
necessities
will only have to be stamped with an ordinary fixed duty stamp. Just
count by
how many times the amount of such taxation will surpass the income of
the
governments of the Gentiles. The state will have to keep in reserve a
certain
amount of capital and, in case the income from taxation were to exceed
this
specified sum, such superfluous income will have to be put back into
circulation.
These
surplus sums will be expended on
the organisation of various kinds of public works. The directorate of
such
works will be under a government department, and thus the interests of
the
working classes will be closely connected with those of the government
and with
their sovereign. A portion of this surplus money will also be allotted
to
premiums inventions and productions. It is most essential not to allow
currency
to lie inactive in the state bank, beyond such a specified sum as may
be
intended for some special purpose. For currency exists for circulation
and any
congestion of money always has a fatal effect on the course of state
affairs,
since money acts as a lubricant in the state mechanism and, if the
lubricant
becomes clogged, the working of the machine is thereby stopped. The
fact that
bonds have been substituted for a large part of the currency has now
created a
congestion such as just described. The consequences of this fact are
becoming
sufficiently obvious. We will also institute an auditing department, so
as to
enable the sovereign at any time to receive a full account of the
expenditure
of the government and its revenue.
All
reports will be kept strictly up
to date, except those of the current and preceding months. The only
person who
could not be interested in robbing the state bank will be its owner,
namely,
the sovereign. For this reason, his control will stop all possibility
of
leakage or unnecessary expenditure. Receptions for sake of etiquette,
which
waste the valuable time of the Sovereign, will be abolished in order
that he
may have more opportunity to attend to affairs of state. Under our
government,
the Sovereign will not be surrounded by courtiers, who usually dance
attendance
on the monarch for the sake of pomp and are only interested in their
own
affairs, putting aside as they do the welfare of the state.
All
economic crises, which we have so
skilfully arranged in the Gentile countries, we carried out by means of
withdrawing currency from circulation. Large fortunes are congested,
money
being withdrawn from the government, which in its turn is obliged to
appeal to
the owners of such fortunes, in order to raise loans. These loans have
put
heavy burdens on the governments, compelling them to pay interest on
the
borrowed money, and thus tying their hands. Concentration of production
into
the hands of capitalism has sucked all the productive power of the
people dry,
and with it also the wealth of the state. Currency at the present time
cannot
satisfy the requirements of the working classes, as there is not enough
to go
all around. The issue of currency must correspond to the growth of the
population, and children have to be reckoned as consumers of currency
from the
first day of their birth. Occasional revision of currency is a vital
question
for the whole world.
I
think that you know that gold
currency has been the destruction of all states which have adopted it,
because
it could not satisfy the requirements of the population, all the more
so
because we have done our best to cause it to be congested and to be
withdrawn
from circulation. Our government will have a currency based on the
value of the
working power of the country, and it will be of paper or even of wood.
We will
issue currency sufficient for each subject, adding to this amount on
the birth
of every child, and diminishing it with the death of each person.
Government
accounts will be kept by separate local governments and by county
offices. In
order that delays should not occur in paying government expenses, the
Sovereign
himself will issue orders as to the term of payment of such sums, thus
the
favouritism which is sometimes shown by ministries finance to certain
departments will be terminated. The revenue and expenditure accounts
will be
kept together, in order that they may always be compared with one
another.
The
plans which we will make for the
reform of the financial institutions of the Gentiles will be introduced
in such
a manner as will never be noticed by them. We will point out the
necessity of
reforms, as being due to the disorderly state which Gentile finances
have
reached. We will show that the first reason for this bad state of
finance lies
in the fact that they start their financial year by making a rough
estimate for
the budget, the amount of which increases from year to year, and for
the
following reason: the annual budget is with great difficulty made to
last till
the end of the half year; then a revised budget is introduced, the
money of
which is generally expended in three months; after that a supplementary
budget
is voted; at the end of the year accounts are settled by a liquidation
budget.
The
budget for the year is based on
the total expenditure of the preceding year; therefore, each year there
is a
deviation of about 50 percent from the nominal sum and the annual
budget at the
end of 10 years is increased threefold. Thanks to such a procedure,
which was
tolerated by the careless Gentile governments, their reserves have been
drained. Then, when the period of loans arose, it emptied their banks
and
brought them to the verge of bankruptcy. You will readily understand,
that such
a management of financial affairs, which we induced the Gentiles to
pursue,
cannot be adopted by our government. Each loan proves the weakness of
the
government and its failure to understand its own rights. Each loan,
like the
sword of Damocles, hangs over the heads of the rulers who, instead of
raising
certain sums direct from the nation by means of temporary taxation,
come to our
bankers cap in hand.
External
loans are like leeches, which
cannot be separated from the body of the government until they fall off
of
themselves or until the government manages to shake them off. But the
governments of the Gentiles have no desire to shake off these leeches;
on the
contrary, they increase their number, and therefore their state is
bound to die
from self-inflicted loss of blood. For what is an external loan if not
a leech?
A loan is an issue of government paper, which entails an obligation to
pay
interest amounting to a percentage of the total sum of the borrowed
money. If a
loan is at 5 percent, then in 20 years the government will have
unnecessarily
paid out a sum equal to that of the loan, in order to cover the
percentage. In
40 years, it will have paid twice, and in 60 thrice that amount, but
the loan
will still remain as an unpaid debt.
From
this calculation, it is evident
that such loans, under the existing system of taxation (1901), draw the
last
cents from the poor taxpayer in order to pay interests to foreign
capitalists,
from whom the state has borrowed the money, instead of collecting the
necessary
sum from the nation free of all interest in the shape of taxation. As
long as
loans were internal, the Gentiles only transferred money from the
pockets of
the poor into those of the rich; but after we bribed the necessary
people to
substitute external loans for internal, all the wealth of the states
rushed
into our safes and all the Gentiles started paying us what amounted to
nothing
short of tribute.
Through
their carelessness in
statesmanship, or owing to the corruption of their ministers, of their
ignorance of finance, Gentile Sovereigns have put their countries in
debt to
our banks, so that they can never payoff these mortgages. You must
understand
to what pains we must have gone in order to bring about such a state of
affairs. In our government, we will take great care that congestion of
money
shall not occur, and therefore we will not have state loans, except one
of 1
percent exchequer bonds, in order that payment of percentage should not
expose
the country to be sucked by leeches. The right of issuing bonds will be
given
exclusively to commercial companies. These will have no difficulty in
paying
the percentage out of their profits because they borrow money for
commercial
enterprises, but the government cannot make profits from borrowed
money,
because it borrows solely in order to spend what it has taken on loan.
Commercial
shares will also be bought
by the government, which will thus become a creditor instead of being a
debtor
and payer of tribute as it is at present. Such a measure will put an
end to
indolence and laziness, which were useful to us as long as the Gentiles
were
independent, but would be undesirable in our government. The emptiness
of the
purely bestial brains of the Gentiles is sufficiently proved by the
fact that,
when they borrowed money from us at interest, they failed to understand
that
each sum so borrowed, together with the interest on the amount, would
eventually have to come out of the resources of the country. It would
have been
simpler to have taken the money from their own people at once without
having to
pay interest. This proves our genius, and the fact that our people have
been
elected by God.
We
have so managed as to present the
question of loans in such a light to the Gentiles that they even
thought that
they found a profit in them. Our estimates, which we will produce when the
time
comes, and which will have been worked out with the experience of
centuries and
which we have been considering while the Gentiles have been governing,
will
differ from those made by the Gentiles in their extraordinary
clearness, and will
prove to the world how beneficial are our new plans. These plans will
terminate
such abuses as those by which we became masters of the Gentiles, and as
cannot
be allowed in our reign. We will so arrange the system of our budget
that
neither the ruler himself nor the most insignificant clerk will be in a
position unobserved to extract the smallest portion of the money or use
it for
any other purpose than that to which it has been allotted in the first
estimate. Without a definitely fixed plan it is impossible to rule
successfully. Even knights and heroes perish when they take a road not
knowing
where it leads, and start on their journey without being properly
provisioned.
The
Sovereigns of the Gentiles, whom
we helped to induce to forsake their duties in the government by means
of
representations and entertainments, pomp, and other diversions, were no
more
than screens to hide our intrigues. The reports of their followers, who
used to
be sent to represent the Sovereign in his public duties, were made for
them by
our agents. On each occasion, these reports used to please the
short-sighted
minds of the sovereigns, accompanied, as they were, by various schemes
for
future economy. "How could they economise by fresh taxation?" they
could have asked, but they did not ask, the readers of our reports. You
yourselves know to what a state of financial chaos they have come by
their own
negligence, they have ended in bankruptcy in spite of all the hard work
of
their subjects.
I
will now add to what I told you at
our last meeting and give you a detailed explanation of internal loans.
But I
will not discuss external loans any further, because they have filled
our
coffers with Gentile money, and also because our universal government
will have
no foreign neighbours from whom they could borrow money. We made use of
the
corruption of administrators and of the negligence of Gentile
Sovereigns in
order to obtain twice and three times the amount of the money advanced
by us to
their governments, which in reality they did not need at all. Who could
do the
same with regard to us? Therefore, I will only go into the question of
internal
loans. When it announces the issue of such a loan, the government opens
a
subscription for its bonds. In order that these bonds might come within
the
reach of everybody, they are issued down to very small amounts. The
first
subscribers are allowed to buy below par. On the following day, their
price is
inflated in order to convey the idea that everybody is anxious to buy
them.
In
the course of a few days of the exchequer,
the safes of the exchequer are full with all the money which has been
oversubscribed. (Why continue accepting money for an oversubscribed
loan?) The
subscription is evidently considerably in excess of the amount asked
for, in
this lies the whole effect - the public evidently trust the government!
But
when the comedy is over there arises the fact of a very large debt.
And, in
order to pay the interest on this debt, the government has to have
recourse to
a fresh loan, which, in its turn, does not annul the state debt, but
only adds
to it. When the borrowing capacity of the government is exhausted, the
interest
on the loans must be paid by new taxations. These taxations are nothing
but
debts contracted in order to cover other debts.
Then
comes a period of conversions of
loans, but such conversions only diminish the amount of interest to be
paid,
and do not annul the debt. Moreover, they can only be made with the
consent of
the creditors. When such conversions are announced the creditors are
given the
right to accept them or to have their money back, in case they do not
wish to
accept the conversions. If everybody were to reclaim his own money, the
government would be caught by its own bait, and would not be in a
condition to
return all the money. Luckily, the subjects of the Gentile governments
do not
understand much of finance and they have always preferred suffering a
fall in
the value of their securities and a reduction of interest to the risk
of a new
investment; thus, they have often given their government an opportunity
to get
rid of a debt, which probably amounted to several millions.
The
Gentiles would not dare to do such
a thing with external loans, knowing very well that, in such a case, we
would
demand all our money. By such action, the government would openly admit
its own
bankruptcy, which would plainly show the people that their own
interests have
nothing in common with those of their government. I specially draw your
attention to this fact as also to the following: at present, all
internal loans
are consolidated by so-called temporary loans, that is to say, debts,
the
period for the payment of which is short. These debts consist of the
money
placed on deposit in state banks or saving banks. This money, being at
the
disposal of the government for a considerable length of time, is used
for
paying interest on external loans and, in lieu of the money, the
government
places an equal amount in its own securities into these banks. These
state
securities cover all deficits in the state safes of the Gentiles.
When
our sovereign is enthroned over
the whole world, all these tricky financial operations will vanish. We
will
destroy the market in public funds, because we will not allow our
prestige to
be shaken by the rise and fall of our stocks, the value of which will
be
established by law at par without any possibility of fluctuation in
price. Rise
gives cause to fall, and it is by rises that we started to discredit
the public
funds of the Gentiles. For Stock Exchanges will be substituted enormous
government organisations, the duty of which will consist in taxing
commercial
enterprises as the government may think fit. These institutions will be
in a
position to throw on to the market millions' worth of commercial
shares, or to
buy up the same, in one day. Thus all commercial enterprises will be
dependent
on us. You can imagine what a power we will thus become.
In
all which I have told you up till
now I have tried to give you a true picture of the mystery of the
present
events, as also of those of the past, which all flow into the river of
Fate,
and the result of which will be seen in the near future. I have shown
you our
secret plans by which we deal with the Gentiles as well as our
financial
policy. I have only to add a few more words. In our hands is
concentrated the
greatest might of the present days, that is to say, gold. In the course
of two days,
we can draw any amount of it from our secret treasure rooms. Is it
still
necessary for us to prove that our rule is the will of God? Is it
possible
that, with such vast riches, we shall not be able to prove that all the
gold,
which we have been accumulating for so many centuries, will not help in
our
true cause for good, - that is to say, for the restoration of order
under our
rule? It may require a certain amount of violence, but this order will
eventually be established.
We
will prove that we are the
benefactors who have restored lost peace and freedom to the tortured
world. We
will give the world the opportunity of this peace and freedom, but
certainly
only under one condition - that is to say that it should strictly
adhere to our
laws. Moreover, we will make it clear to everyone that freedom does not
consist
in dissoluteness or in the right of doing whatever people please.
Likewise that
the position and power of a man does not give him the right to proclaim
destructive
principles such as freedom of religion, equality, or similar ideas. We
will
also make it clear that individual freedom does not convey the right to
any man
to become excited or to excite others by making ridiculous speeches to
disorderly masses. We will teach the world that true freedom consists
only in
inviolability of a man's person and of his property, who honestly
adheres to
all the laws of social life. That a man's position will be dependent on
the
conception which he has of another man's rights and that his dignity
prohibits
fantastic ideas on the subject of self.
Our
power will be glorious, because it
will be mighty and will rule and guide, but by no means follow leaders
of the
populace or any kind of orators who shout senseless words which they
call high
principles, and which are in reality nothing else but utopian ideas.
Our power
will be the organiser of order in which lies peoples' happiness. The
prestige
of this power will bring to it mystic adoration, as well as subjection
of all
nations. A true power does not yield to any right even to that of God.
None
will dare to approach it with the object of depriving it of a thread of
its
might.
In
order that people should become
accustomed to obedience they must be trained to modesty, therefore we
will
reduce the production of objects of luxury. By these means we will also
impose
morals, which are being corrupted by continual rivalry on the grounds
of
luxury. We will patronise "peasant industries" in order to injure
private factories. The necessities for such reforms also lies in the
fact that
large private factory-owners often instigate their workmen against the
government, perhaps, even unconsciously. The populace engaged in local
industries does not know the meaning of being "out of work," and this
makes it cling to the existing order, and induces it to support the
government.
Unemployment is the greatest for the government. For us it will have
done its
work as soon as, by its means, we shall have obtained power.
Drunkenness
will also be prohibited as
a crime against humanity, and will be punishable as such; for man
becomes equal
to a beast under the influence of alcohol. Nations only submit blindly
to a
strong power, which is absolutely independent of them and in whose hand
they can
see a sword, acting as a weapon of defence against all social
insurrections.
Why should they want their Sovereign to possess the soul of an angel?
They must
see in him the personification of strength and might. A ruler must
arise who
will supersede the existing governments, which have been living upon a
crowd,
whose demoralisation we ourselves have brought about among flames of
anarchy.
Such a ruler must commence by extinguishing these flames, which are
incessantly
springing up from all sides. In order to obtain such a result, he must
destroy
all societies which may be the origin of these flames, even if he has
to shed
his own blood.
He
must form a well-organised army,
which will anxiously fight the infection of any anarchy, which may
poison the
body of the government. Our Sovereign will be chosen by God and
appointed from
above in order to destroy all ideas influenced by instinct and not by
reason,
by brutal principles and not by humanity. At present, these ideas
successfully
prevail in their robberies and violence under the banner of right and
freedom.
Such ideas have destroyed all social organisations, thus leading to the
reign
of the King of Israel. But their part will be played as soon as the
reign of
our Sovereign commences. Then we must sweep them away, so that no dirt
should
lie in our Sovereign's path. Then we shall be able to say to the
nations,
"Pray to God and bow down before him who bears the mark of the
predestination of the world and whose star God himself guided, in order
that
none other but Himself should be able to set humanity free from all
sin."
Now
I will deal with the manner in
which we will strengthen the dynasty of King David, in order that it
may endure
until the last day. Our manner of securing the dynasty will consist
chiefly of
the same principles, which have given to our wise men the management of
the
world's affairs, that is to say, the direction and education of the
whole human
race. Several members of the seed of David will prepare Kings and their
successors, who will be elected not by right of inheritance but by
their own
capabilities. These successors will be initiated in our secret
political
mysteries and plans of governing, taking great care that no one else
should
acquire them. Such measures will be necessary in order that all should
know
that only those can rule who have been initiated in the mysteries of
political
art. Only such men will be taught how to apply our plans in practice by
making
use of the experience of many centuries. They will be initiated in the
conclusions drawn from all our political and economic system and in
all
social sciences. In a word, they will be told the true spirit of the
laws that
have been founded by nature herself in order to govern mankind.
Direct
successors to the sovereign
will be superseded in the event of their proving to be frivolous or
soft-hearted during their education, or in case they show any other
tendency
likely to be detrimental to their power, and which may render them
incapable of
ruling and even to be dangerous to the prestige of the crown. Only such
men as
are capable of governing firmly, although perhaps cruelly, will be
entrusted
with the reins of government by our Elders. In case of illness or loss
of
energy, our Sovereign will be obliged to hand over the reins of
government to
those of his family who have proved themselves more capable. The King's
immediate plans and, still more, his plans for the future will not even
be
known to those who will be called his nearest councillors. Only our
Sovereign,
and the Three who initiated him, will know the future. In the person of
the
Sovereign, who will rule with an unshakable will and control himself as
well as
humanity, the people will recognise as it were fate itself and all its
human
paths. None will know the aims of the Sovereign when he issues his
orders,
therefore none will dare to obstruct his mysterious path. Of course,
the
Sovereign must have a head capable of dealing with our plans.
Therefore, he
will not ascend the throne before his brainpower has been ascertained
by our
wise men.
In
order that all his subjects should
love and venerate their Sovereign, he must often address them in
public. Such
measures will bring the two powers into harmony, namely, that of the
populace
and that of the ruler, which we have separated in the Gentile countries
by
holding the one in awe of the other. We had to hold these two powers in
awe one
of another in order that they, when once separated, should fall under
our
influence. The King of Israel must not be under the influence of his
own
passions, especially that of sensuousness. He must not allow animal
instincts
to get the better of his brain. Sensuousness, more than any other
passion, is
certain to destroy all mental and foreseeing powers; it distracts men's
thoughts towards the worst side of human nature. The Column of the
Universe in
the person of the World Ruler, sprung from the Holy seed of David, has
to forgo
all personal passions for the benefit of his people. Our Sovereign must
be
irreproachable.
As
you have just read, the whole world
lies under the sway of the devil and his agents, 1John 5:19. The time
has come
for all those who do not believe in God, and for all those who
challenge the
authority of the Bible, to think again. The works of satan have become
so
visible nowadays that only dishonest people will continue to claim that
satan
does not exist. Satan does exist, and his agents as you have just read
also
exist, and they work relentlessly to accomplish their mission, that of
destroying the world. It will now be easier for those who do not
believe in
God, to accept that they are wrong. It is not possible that satan
exists, and
that God does not exist. If satan and his demons exist, it is obvious
that God
and his angels also exist.
All
of you who despise the Bible
thinking that God does not exist, reconsider your position while there
is still
time. God exists, and His word, which is the Bible, is true. Each of
you has an
interest in being reconciled with God before leaving the earth. And all
of you
who thought that each continent has its own god or gods, think again,
it is not
so. There is indeed one God who is the Master of all His children, just
as
there is one satan who is the master of all those serpents whose plans
of
domination and destruction of the world you have just read. If each
continent
does not have its satan or satans, it means that each continent does
not also
have its god or its gods.
All
of you who thought that the Bible
is another colonization tool used by westerners to subdue Africans, to
massacre
them and to plunder all their resources, you must now understand that
you are
mistaken. These westerners, to whom you mistakenly attribute the
paternity of
Christianity, do not believe in the Bible themselves. They simply used
it to
harm the rest of the world, and commit their crimes and their
abominations.
By
using the Bible as they did, these
demons in the flesh had the mission to sabotage the Bible, in order to
lead the
multitude to stop believing in God. And that's exactly what is
happening
unfortunately. While some Africans reject the Bible under the erroneous
pretext
that it was an instrument of colonization, others, because they are
ignorant of
their own origin, reject the Bible under the still erroneous pretext
that the
Bible belongs to the Jews or to Israel. The day these ignorant people
discover
the truth, they will faint. People from other nations also fall into
the trap
of rejecting the Bible, thinking that it is only for the Jews or Israel.
Think
again while there is still time.
The Bible is neither for Westerners, nor for Jews, nor for Israel; it
is the
word of God, the Creator of Heaven and Earth. And the God of the Bible
is
neither the God of Westerners, nor that of true Jews, nor that of the
false
jews, nor that of the present-day Israel according to the erroneous
understanding of many evangelical Christians of today. The
God of the
Bible is the God of all those who believe in Him through Jesus Christ
the only
Saviour.
Regarding
this, I would like to warn
all these evangelical and Pentecostal Christians who, in their
ignorance
support all the follies of the so-called Jews who are now in Israel on
the
pretext that they are God's people. You are wrong. These enemies of God that you see
in Israel right now are in no way the people of God. They are
impostors. They
have never been God's people, and they never will be.
The true people
of God are still sinking into ignorance and oblivion. You evangelical
Christians and Pentecostals who still support these agents of Hell,
mistaking
them for the people of God, you must repent. You must ask forgiveness
to the
Lord of hosts with all your heart.
The
God of Israel referred to in the
Bible cannot be the God of those satanists who occupy part of the
Middle East
at the present. The God of Israel referred to in the Bible has never
been, and
never will be, the God of those abominable homosexuals and transsexuals
who
parade all day long in Tel Aviv, nor the God of these Illuminati, of
these
Freemasons and of other assassins who claim to be Jews, but who have
made a
pact with the devil to destroy the whole earth and lead everyone astray
from
the true God. Let this be clear to you from now on.
Grace
to all who love our Lord Jesus
Christ with an undying love!
Dear brothers and sisters,
If you have run away from fake churches and would like to know what to do, here are the two options available to you:
1- See if around you there are some other children of God who fear God and desire to live according to the Sound Doctrine. If you find any, feel free to join them.
2- If you do not find one and wish to join us, our doors are open to you. The only thing we will ask you to do is to first read all the Teachings that the Lord has given us, and which are on our website www.mcreveil.org, to reassure yourself that they are in conformity with the Bible. If you find them in accordance with the Bible, and are ready to submit to Jesus Christ, and live by the demands of His word, we will gladly welcome you.
The grace of the Lord Jesus be with you!
Source & Contact:
Website: https://www.mcreveil.org
E-mail: mail@mcreveil.org
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